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HISTORIC STUDIES
IN
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY
FROM ROMAN TIMES
TO VOLTAIRE, ROUSSEAU, AND GIBBON
BY
GENERAL MEREDITH READ
or TUB AMBBICAN FHILOSOPHICAL SOCIBTT
MAMV VXAKS UNITED STATES MIMISTEK AT ATHENS
L^GSMRfKAL AT PAEH DURING THE PRANCO-OBSMAN WAR
G*C.It.t F.S.A., F.R.M.S., M.R.I.A., F.R.G.S. ETC
IN TWO VOLUMES— VOL. IL
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
» * * -^
/
LONDON :
4
CHATTO & WINDUS
1897
I
\
• • . •
' •• • • • .
» ■•
I. •_ f
,•- »
* ». - .
*• «. w S.
ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOL. IL
1. OBOBaB DBTTSROITN, FROM THE ORIOINAL PAINTINO
FOBMBBI.T AT JQA OBOTTE Frontispiece
2. MAPAlffB DB WARKNB • To faC€ p. 86
3. THB CHABXBTTBS, BK8IDENCR OF MADAME DE WAKENS
AND ROUSSKATT -••.... „ lOJ
4. JBAN JACQUBS ROTJSSKAU ^^ ,,5
5. ▼OI.TAIBB . ,, 159
6. TBB FAMOUS DR. TZSSOT (OIBBON^S PHYSICIAN) AND
A VAUDOXS PEASANT , ,,192
7. OALUSRT OF FAVUXTARD'S HOUSE, GIBBON'S FIRST
RESIDBNCB AT LAUSANNE, 1*753 .... ,, 276
8. JSAN PIERBB DB CBOUSAZ, THE PHILOSOPHER . „ 279
9w GIBBON AND I«ADY ELIZABETH FOSTER, AFTERWARDS
DUCHESS OF DEVONSHIRE ^^ ^-2
la FACSIMIIJB OF OIBBON*S HANDWRITING AND SEAL ,, 4^2
11. THE DUXB D*ARENBERO ^^ ^j^
12. COI- DE LINDENAU AND COUNTf DE M^iRODE . „ ^qq
13. THE DUKE DE OUINES AND HIS DAUGHTER, THE
COUNTESS DB CASTRIES ^^ ...
14. THE DUCHESS DB OUICHE ^^ ^-q
15. OIBBOK*S TEBRACK, LA GROTTE, LAUSANNE . „ ^^^
i
HISTORIC STUDIES
IN
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY
CHAPTER XCI
In October 1717 the widow of Mme. de Loys de Wareiis' cousin,
Jean Baptiste de la Tonr, nie Boee de Boy6r6a, married Isaac
Dolon of Vevey.*
In 1719 occurred another interesting family event, which
drew M. de Ijoys de Warens and his wife to Lausanne. His
half-aster, Sopliie Louise, was married to her kinsman, Daniel
Francois de lioys, conseignior of Middes, Trey and Ecublens.
The 'bridegroom was the son of Jean Bodolphe de Loys, seignior
of Mamand, ch&telain of Montherond and councillor at Lau-
sanne, his mother being a daughter of Daniel de Sturler, Baron
de Belp, by Jeanne de Watteville of Berne. The de Loys clan
[ * gal^ered in great force on this occasion ; the old house in the
Palnd was the scene of prolonged gaieties.
I The eldest son of this festive marriage rose to distinction in
I the French service, and as a general officer with the Order of
1 Merit retired to Lausanne about 1780, and became a friend of
I Gibbon. He died unmarried in 1806, while his younger
I brother, who also served in France, carried on the line, and was
/ the ancestor of the present de Loys fiftmily of Lausanne.
/ I'rivate theatricals had early taken root at Lausanne, and
^ Voltaire by iio means, as some suppose, first introduced the
V, taste there* 1 have already alluded to the scenic plays at the
^ . > Information derived from M. Dulon's MSS.
VOL. n. B
r
I
mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
(
installation of the bailiffs, soch as the Sacrifice of Abraham,
by Th6odore de Bdze, and the Shadow of Gamier Stauffiusher,
by Joseph Duchesne; these were varied by pastorals and
epithalamia. The following lines are from an epithalaminm by
Maro Cnvat, Doctor of Philosophy, on the marriage of Noble
Gamaliel de Tavel, seignior of Vullierens and Lossy, with Mile,
de Salis :
* Kponx qui en toute liesse
Yas des amoun de ta maitrsBse
Beoaeillir les doax fruits ;
Qui des doaoeoni de rhym^n^e
As s6r6n6 oette joam6e
Et Pas priy6 d'ennuis 1 ' *
The Eclogue and the Idyll were then d la mode^ Fontenelle
being a great favourite.
Although at Geneva the prejudice against private theatricals
was very strong, and so remained to the close of the century, in
the ch&teaux and houses of the nobles at Lausanne the leaders
of society indulged in such representatiouGi. As late as 1707
they were still imitating the ^ Astr^e ' of the Marquis de Durf^^
the friend of Mme. de Charmoisy, as is seen by the ' History of
Ismdne and of Corisante,' a Swiss tale, whose scenes are laid
at Latobrigie (Lausanne) and Ebrodinie (Tverdon); the per-
sonages being : Ismdne, Mme. de Yallefort, senior; Corisante,
M. Seigneux, ch&telain of the chapter ; Sinibald, the assessor
de Seigneux ; Eug6nie, Mme. Doxat ; Elise, Mile. Guerite
Doxat ; Corilas, M. Dozat de Demoret ; Agenor, the bailiff' de
Steiguer; Eriphile, Mile, de Steiguer; Iphite, M. George
Boguin ; D61ie, Mile. Roguin.
Towards 1720 the financial movement set on foot by Law
caused an amount of speculation throughout the Roman ooantry
which resulted in the accumulation of large fortunes in the
hands of some ' new people,' while its effects were also felt by
the old nobility. At this time many of the former, who bad
suddenly acquired money — like the Calandrinis, the Pelissaris,
the Th61ussons, the Denkelmanns, the Guiguers, the Hogpiers —
purchased old manors along the borders of the lake, and set on
foot a style of living similar to that of Paris.
1 Ganllieur, Etudes sur VHistoire LitUraire de la Suisse JFran^aise^
pp. 27, 55.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY S
Sinner remarks tbat he remembered vimting one of the
finest castles of the Pays de Vaud, in the hands of one of these
new-comers. While he was inspecting the apartments the
servant goiding him said, ' Here is the coanting-room of M. le
Baron.' > This remark might be transferred to Paris in the
present century, without finding anyone to contradict it»
M. Dulon says, in his manuscript notes, there were in tiie
Pays de Vaad many fiefs, great and small, which were purchased
by strangers of honest extraction, by merchants or commercial
people, especially from Geneva, by French refagees in easy
circumstances, or finally by peasants, who, having amassed
some money, purchased this kind of property, and called them-
selves noble because they were vassals.^ Gradually this new
element was confounded with the older, and there grew up a
new social vitality which drew its inspiration from the chief
capitals of Europe. Literature and art felt its beneficial in-
fluence, and Lausanne became more and more known as a place
of agreeable resort, while scholars thronged its schools to hear
the teachings of its eminent professors.
Among those whose reputation drew thither youths of
princely houses and illustrious names, none was more popular
than de Loys de Bochat himself, who while on a visit to Holland
had met the charming young lady who became his wife.
In the treasures of La Grotte, I found a manuscript letter
(unpublished) from the future Mme. de Bochat — ^Mlle. Suzanne
Franpoise de Teissonidre — addressed to her future spouse. It
is dated Utrecht, December 20, 1721, when M. de Bochat was
about quitting that town. This gracious epistle mns thus :
< You do me too much honour, Monsieur, in thinking that
reason and myself are inseparable. I wish that I could with
sincerity accept such a high compliment ; but I know on the
contrary that my judgment is oflen lacking, and that far from
consenting that she should quit me, I see her depart with every
imaginable regret. I shall be of the same mind to-day if she
makes the slightest movement towards abandoning me. It is in
concert with her that I attempt to reply to your obliging letter.
< Tou do yourself a great injustice, Monsieur, in counselling
1 Sinner, Voyage dans la Suisse Oceidentale, i, 279.
* MBS. of M. Dnlon of VeYey.
B 2
I
4 HISTORIC STUDIES IN .
me to dispense with my reason. You have no ground to fear*
it, if you believe that it represents things in their true light ;
and if you have need of an advocate with me, I doubt very
much if you could choose a better one. In effect, it says to me
that you have always shown such noble and generous sentiments,
such pure views, and conduct so filled with kind attentions, that
I may be permitted to thank you for them, and to assure you
that in this matter of separation I am as much touched as you
can possibly desire me to be, looking upon you, Monsieur, as
the person who perhaps most interests me in this world, and in
all that concerns me.
'Judge then with what eyes I am able to consider your
departure. Nevertheless this same reason tells me that it is
absolutely necessary. Make use then of your own. I beg you
to calm your fears. Whatever disadvantage there may be to
me in such an examination, removed from all prejudice, I exhort
you to make it, if it can be of some utility to you, in the hope
that the support of your reason will assume the place of a too
favourable prejudice. I flatter myself that you do me justice in
thinking me incapable of lightness. What then do you fear ?
Do I owe to your tranquillity the assurance that my wishes are
not contrary to your own? Well, then I will say it: My reason
permits me perhaps to go too far ; but finally I believe that I
risk nothing in doing so, finding it in accord with myself upon the
sentiments with which I have the honour to be. Monsieur, your
very humble and very obedient servant,
* S. F. TEISS0Nrt»E.* *
The writer of the above was the beautiful and accomplished
daughter of Noble David de Teissoni^re, seignior of La Meinerie,
who left his native province of Languedoc and established him-
self at Paris, where he died. His two brothers passed into
England before the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes,^ and
obtained such a foothold in that country that one of them,
Noble Jacques de Teissonidre, seignior of Ayrolles, became the
* From the (unpublished) CoUeotions of Mme. Constantin Grenier, at La
Grotte. (MS.)
' Letter of Mme. de Bochat to Mme. de Corbi^res (June 18, 1750), foand bj
the author in La Grotte.
VAtFD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 5
British Minister at the Hague. After the death of David
de Teissonidre his brother's family seem to have followed his
fortnneB, as they were Huguenots, and his residence at the
Hague appears to have brought them thither.
A letter of August 13, 1722, addressed to Mile, de Teis-
sonidre firom Utrecht, indicates that the latter was then living
at the Hagae. It is written by Mile. Henriette Hapin, who
afterwards signed the contract of marriage, and appears to have
been a relative. It indicates the warm personal interest which
all the friends of the fnture Mme. de Bochat entertained for
her:
* I do not know what terms to make use of, my very dear
fiiend, to express to you the extreme regret which your absence
causes me. Since I have been separated irom you I do not
know myself. A continual chagrin, a melancholy to which I
was entirely unaccustomed, a general indifference for all the
world, are the least effects. If anything could give me pleasure,
it is the tbought of what I have enjoyed in your society. . . .
Pity me, my dear friend, in being obliged to dwell at Utrecht
while you are at the Hague. You doubtless perceived the in-
voluntary theft I committed. In undoing my ribbons, I was
greatly surprised to find two of the same colour. It is right to
restore to you that which belongs to you, and I pray you to
excuse my thoughtlessness. Adieu, my dear and good friend,
love me always, and do me the favour to think that no one in
the world is with more sincerity or more inviolable attachment,
etc., etc.' *
This letter bears a touching seal — a heart inflamed with
tears — and this inscription : Comme je suis.
Still another letter from the same to the same has survived.
It belongs to the year 1723, and is dated August 4, at
Utrecht:
*I very greatly doubted, Mademoiselle my dear friend,
whether my uncle would consent to my making the voyage
with M. de Bochat. Being sounded by me somewhat there-
upon, he put off the matter so far that I took very good care
not to proxx>se the matter directly to him. His original design
> From the MS. Collections of Mme. Constantin Grenier, disooTered in La
Grotie by the author.
6 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
was to conduct me himself to the Hague ; but I dissuaded him
from it because he could not refrain from seeing many of his
friends who are in that town, and of dining or supping with
them ; and his health is already sufficiently deranged and could
not bear this extraordinary fatigue. It is, therefore, now re-
solved that Germaine, whom you doubtless know, shall accom-
pany me. . . . Imagine, my dear friend, the impatience which
I experience, and which cannot be surpassed except by the
anxiety felt by M. de Bochat in approaching the Hague,
which is perhaps a good deal to say. The two days which I
have still to pass without seeing you seem to me like two
centuries.' *
CHAPTER XCII
From a certificate of marriage and its accompaniments now
before me, it appears that the banns were published August 8,
1723, and the young couple entered into the holy state of
matrimony on the 25th. The ceremony was enregistered in
the Walloon church at the Hague.^
The marriage-contract, dated on the 23rd, names M. Charles
Guillaume de Loys, seignior of Bochat, professor of Law and
History in the Academy of Lausanne, as the future husband, bj
the express consent of his father, M. Isaac de Loys, seignior of
Bochat, and Lieutenant Bailiff of Lausanne; and Demoiselk
Suzanne Fran9oise de Teissonidre as the future wife, assisted by,
and with the consent of. Dame Elizabeth Julie de Harbes, her
mother, widow of M. David de Teissoni^re, seignior of La Mei-
nerie, and M. Jacques de Teissonidre d'AyroUes, minister of His
Britannic Majesty to Their High Mightinesses the States General
of the United Provinces, her paternal uncle.
The same care was manifested in this document for future
offspring as was taken in the case of M. and Mme. de Warens,
> From the MS. Colleotions of Mme. Constantin Grenier, of La Grotte, dis-
covered bj the author.
' Eztrait da Livre des Manages de TEglize [sie] Wallomie de la haje [stc]
En Hollande. Found in La Grotte by the author.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 7
and with the same reealts ; for M. and Mme. de Bochat were
never blest with any childreD, and after her death the greater
part of her property was left to her nephew, George Deyverdun,
Gibbon's fiiend. At the last moment, however^ it appears to
have occurred to the person preparing this legal document that
there might be no children^ and this eventuality was also pro-
vided for.
Among the signers of this contract were the bride and
bridegroom ; the mother of the bride (her father being dead),
and the father of the bridegroom (his mother beiag dead) ; the
uncle of the bride, Jacques de Teissonidre d'AyroUes, and Eliza-
beth his wife; Julie de Teissonidre (who afterwards became
Mme. de Mauclerc) ; Madeleine de Teissonidre (who a few years
after married Samuel Deyverdun and became the mother of
George) ; and Solomon de Teissonidre. Henriette de Rapin has
already been mentioned. There were also H. Oarsel, and
Gabriel de Seigneux, a man who must not be here passed
silently.
Grabriel de Seigneux, seignior of Correvon, was a noted man
in his day, and was bom in the same year as his friend and
connection, de Leys de Bochat. After completing his legal
studies at Geneva and Basle, he returned to Lausanne and was
appointed judge of the chapter in 1718, at the age of twenty-
three ; and, five years later, member of the Council of Two
Hundred. He now travelled in France and Holland, where he
was present at the above marriage, and where the Princess of
Nassau, widow of the Stadtholder, offered him the post of Privy
Councillor in her household. Preferring, however, his own
country, he returned thither and filled many high offices.
His wife and kinswoman, Esther de Loys, brought him the
seigniory of Correvon, whose title he enjoyed. He was corre-
sponding member of the English Society for the Propagation
of the Faith, and of the Academy of Marseilles, also one of the
most active members of the Economical Society of Berne,
as well as of that of Lausanne, over which he presided from
its foundation. He was, says de Montet, the author of some
treatises ux)on law and theology, of many translations of German,
•Rng'l^fth and Italian works, and finally of poems distinguished
by lightness and grace. He also occupied himself upon a
6 HISTORIC STUDIES IK
literary history of Switsierland, which he commenced with de
Loys de Bochat, and for which Schenchzer formfihed a great
number of materials ; but this work never saw the light. He
is mentioned in Voltaire's correspondence, and was on intimate
terms with many other leading minds of his century.
I remember well the portrait of M. de Seignenx de Correvon
painted in 1767. It was one of the interesting family portraits
which adorned the drawing-room of the late Mme. Bacon de
Seignenx, a very intelligent lady, and a connecting link with
the last centary. She was distinguished by the same gaiety
and wit which characterised her kinsman Gabriel, with whose
shade she had acquired a certain friendship. As I sat listening
to her conversation I glanced from time to time towards the
portrait of Oabriel, who seemed to smile approval on the witty
observations and reminiscences of his clever relative. The old
and beautiful tapestry, liie embroidery, the quaint fumitore,
and the many family relics which surrounded us held the place
they had long maintained, and it occasionally seemed as if I had
stepped from the present century into the last, and was convers-
ing with one of de Seigneux' contemporaries.
Gabriel de Seigneuz' admiration for the fair sex, like that
of his friend Fontenelle, often assumed poetic forms. On the
occasion of de Loys de Bochat's wedding he broke out into song
in the following somewhat rude fashion :
* Tendrea d^sirs que THymin^e
Doit rendre aceompUfl en oe jour,
Plaisin qa*anit la destin^e,
Et qui n*6te8 rien sans Tamour,*
and 80 to the concluding stanza :
' Des f enz que la d^licatesse
Et le yrai m^rite inspira,
L'Hymen, conduit par la sagesse,
A fait More nne tendresse,
Qae Tamour dtemisera.' '
K this were all that he had ever written the following
criticism, which George Deyverdun passed upon him in his
Journal (unpublished) a quarter of a century later, wonld
appear justified : ' He has wit and learning. He is a poet with
* From the MS. Collections of Mme. Constantin Orenier.
VAUD, BERNE, AM) SAVOY 9
mnch pride, and dnring his life he has made many bad pieces
and few good ones.'
A grain of allowance should be made for Deyverdun's
evident ill-hnmonr, for he was excessively sensitive to what be
was inclined to consider personal slights, and de Seignenx bad
a self-important air, and woald not pay much attention to a
yonth of twenty. Deyverdan, in fact, confesses this feeling
with regard to M. de Brenles on this account.
Two years afterwards, de Seignenx addressed a letter of
felicitations to Julie de Teissonidre, Mme. de Bochat's sister,
who was about to become Mme. de Mauclerc. He writes from
Lausanne, April 29, 1725 :
* Mademoiselle, — ^I should not merit to have ever known
you, or, that which is the same, to have tasted all the pleasures
which delicacy of heart and vivacity can give— I should declare
myself even unworthy of the kindnesses with which you
honoured me during my charming sojourn at the Hague — ^if I
could hear of your marriage without hastening to applaud it.
* You may think, perhaps, with your ordinary modesty, that
in everything which concerns you nearly, I applaud without
reason. I wUl reply to yon, Mademoiselle, that it is not easy
to deceive the public, especially the enlightened and judicious
public; and that those who know your taste will run no
risk in saying too much concerning yonr choice. . . .
With a secret repugnance for marriage you have listened
to what has been said to you concerning it, without doubt
because its cause was eloquently pleaded. May it not be the
result of the reflections which I took the liberty of sometimes
making to you ? For, after all, tbe most indirect circumstances
and the smallest in appearance contribute occasionally to the
greatest events. I shall be most proud if the decision which
you have just taken should prove to be the fruit of some one of
our conversations. Ton will remember, Mademoiselle, that
sometimes they turned upon this subject, and that I then took
the liberty to attack your system, which I called prejudice. At
first, yon were pleased at engaging in the dispute ; but finally,
fatigued in contradicting me, you yielded to me the field of
battle. The force of my reasons overcame your preconceived
notions, and we scarcely ever finished our chapter without some
10 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
mark of conviction. ... I have tarried over this subject with
all the pleasure which a man should take who interests himself
in the most lively manner in your glory. It only remains for
me to make a thousand vows for your happiness :
" Pnisse lea plaisin et lea jeax
Bendre voire anion si belle,
Qa'on en ait jamaiB va de telle
Assaisonner de si doux noBuds."
[and SO on for three verses which it is scarcely necessary to
quote].
' Yes, Mademoiselle, I am persuaded that people are mis-
taken, and that you are more proper than anybody else to
reconcile those two gods (Hymen and Cupid) so that they shall
mingle for you their flames, and finally render them brilliant
and durable.'
In a postscript he alludes to a wager which had evidently
passed between them on the possibilities of her consenting to
marry :
' I flatter myself for the rest, Mademoiselle, that I have a
mortgage on the wedding, on account of a little bet which you
lose by your marriage. My tablets are inscribed with this, and
it will authorize you to pay me a compliment which Monslenr
de Mauclerc cannot find misplaced.' ^
In a letter written on the same day to Mme. de Teissonidre,
he refers to her speedy departure with her daughter from the
Hague for Pomerania, and says:
' Inasmuch, Madame, as you must choose a new country, I
ardently wish that it might be ours, or, at least, that it might be
one near to ours. The distinguished kindness which I have
experienced in your charming family gives me the right to
declare these sentiments. 1 cannot prevent myself fix)m having
these thoughts, in which I am fortified by Mme. de Bochat,
with whom I tighten daily the knots of the most perfect friend-
ship. She is eminently suited to be a friend, and, although I
should make but one such acquisition, I should have suflScient
reason to pride myself upon my good fortune. On my side, I
am so entirely bound up in her that I scarcely know how to
* Letter found in La Grotte by the author. (MS.)
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 11
expr^s it, and if the entire countiy were mine, this dear friend
should have the right to dispose of it. It is only those persons
who are the most nearly united to me by blood who conid
dispute her rights in this respect.' ^
A letter which he wrote about this period to Mme. de Bochat
d^ds in equally warm, though more figurative, terms :
^ Madame, and very dear Friend, — I come from the Council
with all imaginable impatience to relate to you a surprising
adventure which occurred tome this morning. I was returning
hy chair from the country, where we were given yesterday a
most agreeable x>A^y9 when, in the delicious serenity of the air,
I beheld developing a cloud of most extraordinary brilliancy.
It was like a little mountain of lively azure, relieved by a glory
mingled with the colours of gold and fire. This cloud descended
insensibly to within a short distance of me, and opened ; and I
saw issue firom it the most amiable and most majestic goddess,
whose Bonvenir poets have preserved for us. In the midst of
the blaze which dazzled me, I took this magnificent spectacle
for the result of some of the vapours of an exquisite wine
in which I had indulged, or for the remains of a beautiful
dream with which Morpheus had embellished last night my
repose.
' She had all the graces of Love, and all the sweetness ot
Friendship. Too enlightened to be blindfolded, too sure of her
beauty to have need of the arms of the small god, she was naked
like Venus rising from the sea :
*' Mais miUe fois plus belle
Et moins coquette qu'elle."
* What charms could not my eyes have discovered if they
had been less bewildered ! At her feet was a golden vase,
firom whence came forth a flame too pure to have need of
matter, and too fiill of life not to endure always. Two cupids
guarded it with care, and assured me that it often increased,
but never diminished.
* Unpublished Autograph Letter of April 29, 1725, found in La Grotte by
the author.
12 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
' The modesty or the pride of the goddess did not give me
time to push my researches ftirther. She spoke to me :
" A ce son de voix toachante,
Douoe, argentixie, piqoante,
De quels donz fr^missements
Ont M frapp^B mes eens 1
Et quelle onde vive et pure
Portant au fond de mon coBur
Un goilt tendre, un gottt rdveur,
Par son d^cat mnrmure
8oAt miens dn Dien d' Amour Mais taiaez-vous, oanseur 1
Vons alliez de oe dieu renonveler Pinjure."
* " Learn," said my goddess, " that to-day is for you one of the
most interesting of fStes. It is that of Q . I see that you
are ignorant of it, because you have not yet crowned it with
flowers. I desire to bestow some upon you, in order that you
may offer them to her."
' At this instant her intention was fulfilled, for Flora, per-
fuming the air with her wings, flew to the feet of my divinity,
accompanied by the Zephyrs.
* " Pardon," said she to her, " the burning heats which have
impoverished my garden, and fix yourself the price of the poor
garland which I now offer to you."
' Thereupon my goddess, undoing the sweet and brilliant
chain, gave me sufficient to form a bouquet, which one of the
Loves took upon himself at my request to carry to you.
* My divine protectress then disappeared, and I returned,
filled with the ideas to which this magnificent spectacle has
given rise.
'It is to you, Madame, that I owe them. I send you a
thousand thanks ; and it is to testify to you my just gratitude
that I join my vows to the flowers of Love.' ^
CHAPTER XCIII
Life at Yevey, like that in all moderate-sized towns, usually
passed quietly. As at Lausanne, the highest class indulged in
private theatrical amusements, and especially in cards; for
there were many without occupation, and this resource became
indispensable to them. The amounts lost or won were exta^mely
* Autograph Letter found in La Grotte by the author.
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY IJ
alight, rarely exceeding a crown in an evening, althoagh at
Laaaanne foreigners had brought into society a taste for high
play, which, later in the century, was developed to Gibbon's
cost.
Ambition had no great field. To belong to the bourgeoisie,
and to be a member of the Council, were considered necessary
adjuncts of a grand seignior, and accordingly we find that
M. de Warens obtained the bourgeoisie in 1716, and became a
member of the Yevey Council in 1725.^ He seems to have
always been one of those chosen to welcome the highest autho-
rities on their arrival from Berne, to explain to them the
situation of government affidrs in that locality, to entertain
ihem at his house, and to accompany them on their excursions
through the bailiwick.
The inhabitants at this time, as earlier, insisted that Vevey
was the prettiest town in the Pays de Vaud. They enlarged
on the beauty of their surroundings, and called the attention of
strangers to the fertile heights and the magnificent amphitheatre
amid which their settlement was placed.'
Vevey had now almost recovered from the conflagration of
1688, the year of M. de Warens' birth, which had consumed entire
streets. On June 30, at six o'clock in the evening, it broke
out in the bourg of Oron-Dessus, and lasted until next morning.
Over 230 houses were destroyed, the winds carrying the burn-
ing embers in all directions, and especially beyond St. Anthony
bridge, whose neighbouring houses were also destroyed. Many
persons perished. Geneva sent 15,540 florins to the sufferers.
This great fire swept away some of the mediaeval features of
the place, but enough remained in M. de Warens' time to give
it the air of an ancient and fortified city. Even now these
characteristics can be traced, and they lend much to the
attractiveness of a spot on which Nature has lavished so many
charms. The inhabitants were then for the most part of in-
dependent fortune, and distinguished for their wit, polished
manners, and hospitality to strangers. The delicious air, the
good society, the country pleasures within easy reach, the many
* MS. Notes on M. de Leys de Warens, famished to the author by the
Marquis de Loys-Chandiea.
* Voyage en Suiste, par H61toe Maria Williams, traduit de I'anglais par
J. B. Say (1798), u. 126.
14 HISTORIC STUDIES IK
excursions, the neighbonrliood of attractive Laasanney the
pleasures of the lake — all combined to attract personages who
added to the resources of Vevey.
It is evident that during this period M. and Mme. de Warens
exercised a degree of hospitality more in accordance with their
impulses than their fortune, and Madame especially seems
gradually to have got into the habit of spending more than her
means warranted. She appears to have been the life and seal
of the society in which she moved, and in the summer was
constantly engaged in devising picnics and other amusements.
Not long ago there was found in the pavilion which she in-
habited at the Bassets a portion of a letter in her handwriting,
describing an interesting cavalcade of ladies and gentlemen who,
under the direction of herself and husband, had the day before
made the ascent of the Dent de Jaman.^
The religious tendency of Mme. de Warens' mind had always
shown itself in her letters and conversations. It is sad to think
that one so beautiful, charitable, and gifted, and so endowed
with excellent ideas and sentiments, should have been led into
desertion of her husband on account of a difference in religions
opinion, in which, perhaps, an ambition not experienced in
early life had some share.
It was at this period of her life, when no breath of calumny had
touched her, when the relations of husband and wife were those
of entire harmony, that Bousseau intimates that she accorded
undue favour to a certain seignior of Vevey. After recounting
in his peculiar style the method in which her dSfaUlance was
brought about, he ascribes to her the most contradictory charac-
ters, endowing her with a warm heart but an entirely cold tern*
perament, and accounts for the .weakness of which he accuses
her by asserting that she had been imbued with sophisms that
made her unwilling to deny anything to those she loved.
Doppet, in his apocryphal memoirs — which M. Dufour con-
siders were founded upon notes gathered from contemporaries—
mentions the acquaintance of this gentleman with Mme. de
Warens, but refers it to a period before her marriage, and gives
it an entirely innocent character.'
* Letter of Mme. Olivier, of Petits Bassets, to the author, April 5, 1882.
* M^noires de Mme. de Warens et de Claude Anet (1786), pp. 93 et eeq.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 16
In passing, I must say that whoever writes npon the subject
of Mme. de Warens must not overlook Doppet's volume ; for,
although he was unacquainted with the documents now known,
and therefore could not properly control the information he
possessed, his work contains a few authentic statements inter-
mingled with its multitude of errors. On his few facts was
erected a more or less imposing structure, whose materials
were drawn firom his imagination. To indicate the kind
of misstatement in which Doppet indulged, I may cite his
assertion that Claude Anet first made himself known to Mme.
de Warens in Savoy, whereas his &mily had for years been in
the service of the noble house of de la Tour, and their con-
nections, the Hugonins. The letters in Doppet's volume from
Mme. de Warens to Mile, de P of Villeneuve, and the
replies, are evidently inventions of the pretended editor. It is
only necessary for me to mention one proof of this : she speaks
of her father as alive nineteen years after his death.
These are specimens of the incongruities in Doppet. I
must, however, repeat that in a full examination of the subject
this volume must not be neglected, because among all the chaff
there are some grains of wheat. For example, Doppet mentions
' the poor M. Danel,' whom a recent writer took to be Claude
Anet. It now turns out that such a person was really for many
years in the service of Mme. de Warens, after the death of
Anet. He also mentions the house of M. Flandrin at Nezin.
The truth of this reference is confirmed by a letter to Franpois
Fabre, lately published by M. Jules Vuy.*
In an unprejudiced investigation of the matter, I have never
been able to meet with anything except Bousseau's slanders,
and calumnies clearly traceable to them, reflecting on the virtue
of Mme. de Warens. In the long letter of M. de Warens con-
cenung his wife, which I shall presently quote, there is no
indication of any grievance against her, except her unbridled
extravagance and her conversion to Catholicism — which he
attributes partly to ambition.
What gave Mme. de Warens her deplorable celebrity ? It
was that she had the misfortune to be bespattered by the filthy
* * M. Dofonr's Besearches on Bonsseau aoid Mme. de Warens ' {Revue
Savainenne (1878), p. 72).
16 mSTOEIC STUDIES IN
pen of one who was nnder the deepest obligations to her, and
who rewarded her motherly care with characteristic ingratitude.
The most solid part of Rousseau's character was his insane self-\^.
love. In this instance he did not hesitate to blacken the name
of his best friend to add a picturesque feature to his self-por-
traiture. It must be remembered that out of Rousseau's vile
statements an entire literature has grown.'
The stories disparaging to Mme. de Warens' character
current in her own country have been used by some as corro-
borations of Rousseau by persons who do not reflect that they
all arose after the publication of his ' Confessions/ No contem-
porary but Rousseau ever made any such insinuation, nor was
there any such gossip until she had been dead twenty years.
M. de Warens was a man of quiet disposition, who lived in
harmony with his wife, and endeavoured to make her life happy,
though he seems to have possessed a somewhat narrow mind,
and to have been over-careful in money matters. The first
discords between them may be fairly referred, I think, to the
prodigal tendencies of his wife, which increased as she grew
older. Moreover, to cover the expenses of hospitalities beyond
their means, she resorted to various commercial expedients for
raising money. Two years before the separation she established
a silk-stocking manufactory at Yevey, in company with a
certain M. St. Andr6, frequently mentioned by M. de Warens;
and she carried on this business independently of her husband?
who was opposed to the project but without sufficient force
of will to make her abandon it.
It should be noted in this connection that the cause of her
embarking in this enterprise was attributed by the Bernese
bailiff at Vevey to her desire to give employment to the poor.*
This is in entire harmony with her subsequent life.
It will be seen by the statement of M. de Warens, given in
* The wide intereet felt in Mme. de Warens is ouriously illostraied in some
of the notes of M. Baron, oantonal archivist at Lausanne, bound up in a copy
of Doppet*s book, and pointed out to me by M. de Montet in the library sX
(Geneva. One of the earliest letters of Napoleon I. was a request to M. Paul
Barde, publisher at Oeneva (and, by the way, GKbbon*s bookseller), to send him
the Memoirs of Mme. de Warens and Claude Anet (now known to be un-
authentio). This letter was seen a few years ago framed in the shop of M.
Joel Gherbulliez, one of Barde*8 successors. It is dated July 29, 1788, when
its writer was a young sub-lieutenant of artillery in garrison at Valenoe.
' Inventory presented to Their Excellencies of Berne in 1726.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOr 17
the next chapter, that in his petition for divorce there is no
trace of a snspicion of any nnchaste conduct on his wife's part,
which could hardly have been the case if there had been such
continual misbehaviour as Rousseau alleges.
The religious fanaticism and excitement which were aroused
at Vevey by her flight and conversion to Catholicism would
hare quickly brought to light any weaknesses of this nature ;
bat I have yet to find the slightest trace or suspicion of such
tendencies in the past life of the hated convert. If some
oppose to this the generally received impression as to her
frailty, I can only reiterate that the world at large eagerly
welcomes evil reports emanating from notorious or celebrated
persons, over which an air of romance has been cleverly cast.
Rousseau has set on foot some of the most wicked and
dangerous theories that have cursed the world, and in the
Bmirch on Mme. de Warens' memory may be traced his slimy
trail.
In Bonssean were two natures — one which consorted with
angels, the other, fit companion of devils. No man has
enunciated loftier ideas, or evinced more appreciation of what
is beautiful and refined. But his treasons, especially against
women, were diabolical, and he seems to regard their confession
as atonement. But here it is the reverse. If what he says of
Mme. de Warens be true he was a scoundrel for recording it ; if
untrue he was the greater villain. All that can be said in his
defence is, that his ' Confessions ' were written late in life, when
his mind was unhinged and he believed himself the object of
oniyersal persecution.
I have purposely made use of the most moderate terms
which language permits, in characterising the base cowardice of
Rousseau's conduct towards Mme. de Warens, and I trust that
the gentle manner in which I have treated this extraordinary
character will not be misapprehended.
The first religious elements of dissension between husband
and wife made their appearance when Mme. de L5ys de
Bonnevaux came from Evian to visit some friends at Vevey.
Her husband belonged to an ancient and distinguished family
of Savoy which (erroneously) claimed connection with the
de Loya of Lausanne, and consequently with M. de Warens
VOL. u. C
18 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
himself. She seems to have possessed an intrigning mind
thoroughly devoted to proselytism, and soon acquired an
influence over Mme. de Warens which was used to pervert
her from her original faith.^ The task was rendered easier
by Mme. de Warens' journey in the preceding year to Aix,
Chamb6ry, and Geneva. During her sojourn in Savoy at that
time she seems to have been impressed by the attentions
received from high personages in the Roman Catholic Church.
On her arrival at Geneva she was entertained by Mme.
de Gallatin and others, and freely expressed the pleasure she
had experienced in Savoy, and her disgust at returning to the
Pays de Vaud.
During the winter of 1725-6 she was ill, and in the spring
sent to Merges for Dr. Viridet, who, recognising that her illness
was due to perturbation of mind more than delicacy of body, fell
in with her humour, and prescribed the waters of Amphion. This
enabled her to make her preparations for departure to Evian
without arousing suspicion.
CHAPTER XCIV
The crisis in the lives of M. and Mme. de Warens was reached
on the night of the 13th and 14th of July, 1726, when the wife
departed for Evian, never to return.
The memoir which M. de Warens addressed to his brother-
in-law, M. de Loys de Middes, who had married his half-sister
Sophie, has never seen the light,* and is filled with a quantity of
striking details, which bring to bear a series of new facts on the
> MS. Notes ol Buon de Gingins on Mme. de Warens, liom the arohlTes (A
the Marquis de Loys-Chandiea.
* This was written in 1880, when Mme. de Lojrs de TreytorrensJiad plse^^
the manasoript at the anther's disposal (by a letter to him of Aagnst 28, 1880).
Owing to delay in the pablication of my work, M. de Montet printed in 1891
M. de Warens' statement in French in the Mimoiru et DoctanerUa de la Suisu
Bomandet seconde s^rie, tome iii., with a valaable introduction and notes, the
whole presented in his usual clear and admirable style. But as the statement
has never appeared in English, and as its circulation in French is restricted,
the author publishes it with the above preliminary note written in 1880. The
document is now in the possession of the Marquis de Loys-Chandieu, to whom
my thanks are especially due.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 19
whole story. Althoagh the events took place over a century and
a half ago, the situation, the facts, the very expressions, come to
Qs with a freshness belonging to the present.
On account of the length of this unique document, I had
thought of presenting only a brief analysis of it, but now feel
certain my readers will enjoy the whole. The romantic character
of the story, the dramatic interest of its details, and the intimsr-
tions it contains of ancient law, make it of peculiar importance.
The letter is stitched in pamphlet form, and contains sixty-
six pages. The handwriting is that of M. de Warens, and is
bold, firm, large, and legible. It must be remembered that it
was called forth by statements concerning M. de Warens made
by his divorced wife, in a petition presented by her to the Senate
of Chamb^iy a short time before. It seems desirable to recall
briefly the movements of M. and Mme. de Warens from 1726
up to the time when the letter was written. After her flight to
Evian, she went to Annecy, under the escort of two gentlemen
of the bedchamber, eight of the king's guard, and a gentlewoman
of Evian, and there in the convent of the Visitation abjured her
Protestantism. It was on the occasion of this ceremony that
she assumed the additional name of El6onore, in honour of her
religious sponsor, the Princess E16onore of Hesse, which name
has proved a stumbling-block to many of her commentators ; for
in the baptismal certificate she is designated simply as Fran^oise
Louise, whereas in her mortuary record the name E16onore is
inserted.'
As Victor Amadous had taken her under his protection, he
granted her an annual pension of fifteen hundred livres, to which
Uie Bishops of Annecy and of Maurienne each added a
thousand.
When Their Excellencies of Berne received news of her
abjuration they confiscated her property in the Pays de Vaud,
and afterwards waived their rights in favour of M. de Warens,
to whom they granted a divorce, with the right to re-marry on
account of his former wife's desertion and abjuration.
In 1732 she was still residing at Annecy, absorbed in reli-
gious duties and good works — ^her neighbour and friend M. de
Gonzid says ' her conduct was entirely exempt from all suspicion,
* Letter o( M. Cu6nod to the author, April 20, 1882.
c 2
20 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
and safe even from the calumny whicli commonly pursues new
converts when they have intellect and beauty ' — and at this time
instituted legal proceedings, sufficiently explained in M. de
Warens' letter.
The manuscript is endorsed : * Letter written from London
September 22, 1782, to M. de Middes, my brother-in-law, in
reply to his of the 5th of the said September, on the subject of
the suit which the Savoyards had brought against M. de Yillardin
my father, in garnisheeing the sums which were due to him in
Savoy, by the order which she had obtained from the Senate of
Chamb^ry;
Letteb of M. de Warens
Your letter, my very dear brother and friend, of Septem-
ber 5, N.S., has on the one hand afforded me a real pleasure by
informing me that all the family enjoy perfect health, and by
the new assurance you give me of your friendship, which will
always be very dear to me ; on the other hand it has mortified
me extremely in seeing the new persecutions which the Savoy-
arde has levelled against me, and especially the calumnious
insinuations and the unworthy means she has resorted to for
her end.
Long ago, I should have seen with pleasure my father retire
the sums due him in Savoy, because I have always feared some
croo-en^ambe in that direction. Nevertheless, the attempt my
desertress made in 1728 to re-obtain her pretended property,
and to prevent the sale, having been without success, and she
having remained since then entirely silent — although she was
not ignorant that Messieurs de la Bastie * and Le Jeuue ' were
debtors of my father — I flattered myself that I was shielded from
her attacks. I had finally come, with the aid of the two best
doctors — Time and Reflection — to regard as a Stoic that tragic
epoch of my life, and to support with patience the unfortunate
situation in which she had placed me. This last attack has fallen
upon me like a thunderbolt. I was unable to read the copy yoa
sent me of the petition presented to the Senate of Chamb^ry
without being penetrated with the most lively pain in seeing it
* Louis Am6 de Lojrs, Baron of la Bathie, in Chablais, Sayoy.
^ Probably the person from whom she hired the house at Eyian in 1754.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 21
filled with supposed facts, with circumstances entirely contrary
to the tmth, and my most innocent steps disguised in the
blackest colours.
A proceeding so dark has renewed so freshly the memory of
all my evils, and has struck me so hard that, devoured by the
griefs I was obliged to keep to myself in order not to allow them
to appear to any one, I found it absolutely impossible for two or
three days to write three lines consecutively. Finally, having
recovered a little from my bewilderment, and feeling the neces-
sity of replying to you at once, I commence to do this now on
the fourth day ; but my mind is still so agitated that I am forced
to quit and to retake my pen at each instant.
Not having any of my papers with me, it has been necessary
for me to work from memory ; and if I had not taken the pre-
caution to make sketch upon sketch so as to arrange my ideas,
you would have been unable to comprehend in any manner my
confused scribbling, and I still fear greatly that my letter may
bear traces of it. I will add nothing to this preamble, which is
already too long, except to say that I flatter myself that the
malicious insinuations contained in the petition in question will
make no impression upon the minds of the persons to whom I
have the honour to be known, and that they will do me entire
justice. I have the right to hope this, for my conduct has
entirely belied these accusations ; moreover, this document is a
tissue of falsehoods from one end to the other, which are even so
clamsy that they are apparent at the first glance.
Notwithstanding all this, as nothing is more dear to an
honest man than his honour and his reputation, and having
nothing to reproach myself with, except too great weakness for
a woman whom I had allowed to gain too much of an ascendency
over me, I could not hold out against this last piece of malice.
It has nonplussed me, and made me suffer all the more as I had
no sufficiently intimate friend to whom I could open my heart.
Having a little unburdened myself to you in this letter, whose
verbiage I pray you to pardon, I come now to the facts.
Let us begin by this petition, which is a work worthy of the
place from whence it emanates. It is addressed to the Senate of
Chamb^ry. How long is it since this tribunal became the judge
of facts and acts passed in our country between the subjects of
22 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Their Excellencies ? and who gave to it a right to control the
decisions of oar sovereigns ?
But let as continue our examination. The extract she gives
from the unfortunate contract of 1713 is faithful. It is the only
yavt where she speaks accurately, and states things as they are.
She had carried with her her copy. She says then, that /
enjoyed her property untU 1726, without causing any inveniory to
be made, which it was easy to do with an inexperienced person.
How can she complain in this respect ? There was one judici-
ally passed at Montreux after the death of her &ther. Various
copies were made of it, signed by the clerk, and one was given
to me. The others remained in the hands of her relatives. I
gave them a receipt for the effects which they remitted to me.
These consisted in real property which could not be made away
with without its being perceived, in furniture which perishes by
usage, and in some papers whose exact value I do not remember,
but which would not exceed a thousand crowns.
I moreover settled a final account of division between her
cousin de la Tour and herself. We each received a copy, signed
by all those interested. It appears to me that these protections
were more than sufficient, and it must be thought they appeared
so to her family, for they have exacted nothing more from me
in this respect, although they would have a personal interest in
case of the death of the complainant without children and
intestate.
The article of her petition regai*ding the pretended donation
inter vivos passed in my favour at Annecy in September, 1726,
thi*ee months after her desertion, arises from the blackest malice.
Its sole end is to give a sinister impression of me by inventing
facts directly opposed to the truth, without there being the
slightest real advantage to the person who forges them. Let
us bring to light all the facts. Let us enter into all the details.
I risk uotliing in doing so. There is nothing to be found what-
ever which can possibly prejudice the character of a Protestant
Christian and a man of honour — titles more precious to me than
life, and which I hope with 6od*s help to make profession of
until my last breath.
To hear her, would not one say that I had gone expressly to
Annecy to have this fine piece fabricated ? And yet there is
VAUD, BEBNE. AND SAVOY 28
not a word of truth in this assertion. I made that joamej only
on aocx>ant of her urgent prayers, addressed to me in two letters
from Annecy. I had, indeed, so much repugnance, that I
should not have made it at all if the poor deceased Fontanes,
who was at my house at Vevey when I received the last letter,
had not persuaded me to do so. It was only a few days after
our return from the first voyage to Berne, where he had accom-
panied me, and during the time that they were occupied in
drawing np the inventory ordered by Their Excellencies. He
found that I might obtain some useful advantage in taking this
course, and that at least it could cause me no kind of prejudice.
I yielded to his reasoning.
I arrived at Annecy September 24 [1726] towards night.
As my desertress lodged with the ladies of the Annunciation,^
I did not judge it apropos to see her that same day. I con-
tented myself with sending to her St. Andr6, who had accom-
panied me in this excursion, in order to inform her of my
airival, and to say to her that I wished to see her on the
following day. She sent to ask me to come in the morning at
a certain hour. I went.
I fonnd her in bed, a position which she had apparently
chosen so as to cover a part of her confusion.' With tears she
asked my forgiveness. I had always been so blinded with
regard to her, and had allowed her so entirely to govern me,
that I frankly avow this scene touched me. She did away with
a good part of my resentment, and I remained even for some
time without power to speak a word.
Having had time to recover my self-possession and to reflect
that I was not in a proper place to quarrel with her, I thought
that the rdle of kindness was the only one to adopt. I was
afterwards glad that I had followed this idea, for there were
eavesdroppers. The moment I opened my mouth to make her
feel the fatal consequences of the course she had taken, she
* * I was mistaken in regard to this honse. It was not at the residence of
the dames of the Annnneiation that my desertress lodged : it was with the
dames of the Visitation. ^ There are two houses of this Order at Annecy, one
called the Grande Visitation, ^hich is this one, and another which is named the
Petite Visit^on, and is outside of the town upon an eminence, and is dependent
upon the first ' (Note of M, de Wareni).
* They were not yet divorced. Ilie judgment of divorce was given Feb>
maiy 24, 1737.
24 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
prayed me to look at a certain place behind the tapestry of her
room. I did so ; and having opened a kind of little closet, I
saw that it had a side-door opening into the cloister. In a word,
it was like the double guichet, by which they give to the Char-
treux their food. For this reason we spoke in low tones to be
more at liberty ; and being alone in her room, nobody was able
to hear us.
I began speaking about religion. I represented to her, as
strongly as it was possible for me to do, that to abandon the
church whose principles she had drawn in with her mother's
milk, in order to cast herself into the arms of another, withont
giving herself the time to examine beforehand its teaching,
could not but be a very false move, even if the latter should be
found true ; but that that which aggravated her action and
rendered her conduct inexcusable, was, that of all churches of
the Christian world the one she had quitted was the most in
conformity with the purity of the primitive church, as much for
its worship as for its doctrines ; that it was exactly the contrary
with the one of which she had just become a member ; that the
clergy had disfigured worship by customs and ceremonies bor-
rowed from Paganism, and that as for the dogmas they were so
greatly filled with absurdities, fables and gross errors, that it
was impossible she could believe them in good faith, although
she might profess them with her lips ; that she might deceive
men, but not God; that, apparently dazzled by the promises
which had been made to her in order to gain her, she had
thought it possible to bring her ambition into accord with her
conscience ; that she might put the latter to sleep for a time,
but it would re-awaken sooner or later ; that the result, looking
at all the appearances, not answering to the hopes which she
had conceived, she would feel then in the most lively manner
all the greatness of her fault ; and that, notwithstanding my
just resentment, I would not cease to pray Qod with all my
heart to give her grace to recover herself some day.
I then added that, all the same, even if she had determined
to change only after having studied the question, that would
not prevent the manner in which she had done so from creating
a great prejudice against her in the world, even in the minds of
those of her own party ; that to desert her husband, of whom
VAUD. BEBKE, AND SAVOY 26
she never had had any cause to complain, and in decamping to
despoil him of everything she conld lay her hands upon, was an
unpardonable action ; and that I had paid very dear all the
weaknesses I had had for her.
Having allowed me to speak np to this point without
interrnptiiig me, she took up the question. She did not excuse
her change of religion by motives of conscience. On the
contrary, she allowed so much indifference in this respect to
appear, that I was struck by it. She said that the derangement
of onr affairs had in part induced her to take this step ; that
they had flattered her with honours at the court of Turin ; that
what she had carried away from me was the means for living
while she was waiting for a position with fixed pension ; that,
moreover, knowing me to be very tolerant in matters of religion,
she had thought that she could induce me to follow her
example ; that in this case I could count upon not being for-
gotten ; and that a place would be given to me, which would
indemnify me in the most ample manner for whatever I might
abandon in my own country.
I replied that she must have learned to know me very
slightly during the twelve or thirteen years we had lived
together, or she conld never have made me such a proposal, still
less imagine I would like it ; that the tolerance of which I made
profession with regard to those of a contrary faith had nothing
incompatible with the principles of my religion, of whose truth
I was 80 persuaded that nothing in the world could make me
abandon it.
Changing then the subject, I informed her of the footing
upon which things were in the Pays on the matter of her flight ;
the order of Their Excellencies issued some years before, con-
fiscating to their profit the property of those of their subjects
who change their religion ; my first voyage to Berne ; and that
the bfliliff of Vevey had taken an exact inventory of her
property and effects to send to Their Excellencies in accordance
with their orders.
I represented to her how sad was the state into which she
had plunged me ; that confiscation was not the only thing that
I had to fear ; that, having authorised her in the loans she had
contracted for her manufactory, the proceeds of which she had
26 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
carried away, I should be obliged to reimbarse the creditors;
that moreover her relatives would not fiiil to agitate against me
in order to give me trouble ; and that in such a rough sitoation
I did not know really where to put my head.
' I feel all that very strongly,' she said. ^ I know no
better remedy than to follow the plan I propose to you, and,
in that case, nothing will be more easy than to obtain the
liberation of the sums which are due to your fieither in this
country.*
* The remedy,' said I, * would be worse than the evil.
How do you dare to propose such things to me ? It is useless
to speak to me of them.'
* You are wrong,' she replied ; ' but whatever may happen,
I am disposed to do all that lies in my power to assure you the
tranquil possession of my property. It only remains to see
how to set about it.'
'There are only two ways,' I said — *by will, and by a
donation between living persons (inter vivos). Neither of the
two has any weight against confiscation, and the donation
would be of no use to me except as against other claimants.'
' I will think of it,' she replied, * and will consult some
person who understands matters of this sort.'
This is the faithful recital of our first conversation, in which
I have endeavoured to recollect, as far as my memory will per-
mit, the exact terms we both used.
Thereupon she arose, and we breakfasted with a young lady
of Evian, who served her as a companion, and with St Andr6,
who then came into her room. After which, praying me to
await her return, she went to Mass, there being a communica-
tion between her apartment and the church.
The interval was sufBciently long for me to make my
reflections. The blindness I had always experienced on
account of this woman had prevented me from understanding
all that she was capable of. The alight interest which she
appeared to me to take in any kind of religion ; the cavalier air
with which she spoke to me of it ; the wildness of the proposi-
tion she made to me ; her sudden change from sadness to joy,
and many other circumstances, completely opened my eyes.
I was indignant, and I desired to be far away ; but it behoved
VAUD, BEBNr, A^'D SAVOY 27
me to extricate myself from this awkward situation with a good
grace. I considered that, although a donation between hnsband
and wife was without effect in law, nevertheless, as she could
not avoid having this act coached in terms which would be
favoniable to me, it would be a sort of acknowledgment which
she would give of the kind conduct I had always manifested
towards her ; that at least it would be a check which would
prevent her from afterwards breaking into invectives against
me. Here you have the reasons which determined me to pro-
ceed with policy, and only to make use of gentle means,
especially as the place and the circumstances permitted of no
other.
On her return, she said to me that she had consulted, on
the snbject of the donation, some persons skilled in the law ;
that she had charged them to draw up the minute in the most
favourable terms and in the best form possible ; and that they
were to bring it to her in the evening, and she would give it to
me to examine.
I replied that that was very well.
She added that she hoped that what she was doing for me
would induce me not to abandon her ; that she was mortified
that the austerity of the house where she was obliged her to let
me sleep at the inn ; but that when I should return to see her»
as she prayed me to do, she would receive me in a private house
where she was taking an apartment.
I allowed her to think whatever she pleased on the subject
of a second visit, and contented myself with explaining to her,
in connection with the rest, that the situation in which I found
myself prevented me from engaging myself to do anything
whatever.
We dined in her room. After dinner, an abb6 of dis-
tinction, whose name I do not remember, came to see me. He
threw himself into controversy. He was a learned man, and
very polite ; and after a quarter of an hour of conversation, I
said to him that I understood too well the difference existing
between the two religions, and was too well persuaded of the
truth of mine to allow my faith to be shaken ; that, therefore,
I prayed him to cease speaking to me further on the subject,
as it would merely be time lost. He replied that he had not
28 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
come to give me pain, and we afterwards only spoke of in-
different snbjects.
The dame already mentioned, who by the way had thought
fit to leave ns alone, now returned, and we took coffee, and the
abb6 retired. A little while after, one of the priests who
belonged to the church of St. Francis de Sales came to see me.
He also wished to feel my pulse, but as he was really one of
those who are called * poor priests,' I only dallied with him,
and did not judge it apropos to engage in a serious
conversation.
After release from these visits, I went to call upon Mme. la
Marquise de Sales, who had sent her servant in the morning to
my inn to present her compliments to me. I remained there
half an hour, and we assuredly did not talk of religion. From
thence I went to call upon the abb6, to return his visit. He
was not at home. I remained a moment with his brother, an
officer of cavalry, and we only spoke of the service.
I found upon my return in the chamber of my desertress
a Piedmontese nobleman, who awaited me, and who is the
intendant in those quarters, or something of that kind. He
did not, like the others, indulge in controversy : he sought to
gain me by fine promises, insinuating that he had orders to
this end. I cut it short by saying to him, that if I had two
souls perhaps I should allow myself to be dazzled by some
considerable advantage to the extent of sacrificing one ; but as
I had only one, it was not for sale at any price. Thereupon he
retired.
If these replies can be considered as insinuating hopes of a
change of religion on my part, I have nothing to say. But let
us continue. When this nobleman had gone, she gave me the
minute in question to examine. It was in conformity with the
act which was executed the following day, with the exception
of one article, whose exact terms I do not recollect, but by
which I should have engaged myself to furnish generously
towards her maintenance. I took good care not to £a11 into
this trap. This article would have counted against me, while
the act itself would not have given me any real advantage. I
said to her, in returning the minute, that I absolutely could
not bind myself to that clause ; that it would be a burden upon
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 29
me in conseqaence of the derangement she had introduced into
oar affairs ; and that things might take such a tarn as to render
my position impossible ; that, accordingly, nnless the donation
was pare and simple, I could not accept it.
' Very well/ she said ; ' I will have the article cat ont which
troubles you, but I hope that yoa will take care of me.'
* I repeat to you,' said I, ' that I can engage myself in no
wise.'
This is all the share I had in the composition of this piece,
not having seen, and still less conferred with, those who com-
piled it until the act itself had been executed.
As I was going out : ' We will sup together,' she said to
me ; ' and while you are taking your promenade, I will give the
necessary orders with regard to the donation.'
I afterwards supped, and remained with her until between
ten and eleven. She said to me when quitting her, that she
wished me to come to her the following morning at an early
hour, and that all would be ready to execute the document
before midday.
I cannot refrain from noting here a fact, although it does
not touch the subject-matter. It is that, in returning with St.
Andr6 to my inn, which was in the faubourg, I found the gates
of the city closed, as if they fancied I might carry off this
beauty. The porter, who was at some paces distance, came to
open it for us, and I saw two other men with him. This pre-
caution made me laugh, for the gate is not ordinarily closed.
I came to the convent on the following morning, which was
September 26, at 8 o'clock. I found the lady in bed. She
having got up, and I being alone with her, she showed me a
letter from the king of Sardinia, by which His Majesty assured
her of his protection, and that he would take care that she
wanted for nothing. This was with a design to tempt me once
more. I cut the matter short, however, by saying to her that
I trpsted she would not be deceived in her hopes ; that as for
me nothing could possibly make me change my sentiments and
my principles.
When she bad been informed that all the persons neces-
eary for the execution of the act in qaestion were arrived, we
passed across the church into the apartment of the principal
80 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
priest.' Before reading it, one of those persons who were present
said to me that he was surprised that I made a difScnlty about an
article so reasonable, as it seemed to him, which I had demanded
should be cut out. I replied that I had taken care not to bind
myself by a clause which might become a burden ; that tbe
aforesaid lady had so well felt that my situation did not permit
it that she had herself caused the article to be withdrawn;
that we were assembled to execute a donation pure and simple,
and that I could not accept any other, nor bind myself in any
way whatever.
Whereupon they said to me : * We hope that, notwith-
standing your unwillingness to bind yourself in writing, you
will not fail to take care of Madame.'
' I repeat to you, Messieurs,' I replied, * that I cannot
engage myself in any way.'
The donation was then read, and was entirely complete with
the exception of the names. It was executed and accepted in
the manner which you will find in the act itself among my
papers.
We all breakfasted together, and, the company having
separated, I was shown the body of St. Francis de Sales, and
everything of a curious nature in the church.
We dined in the priest's apartment. On leaving the table,
I was admitted to the parlour, where I found the abbess or
superioress,' and some religieuseSy all of the highest rank, to
whom my desertress presented me.
After the first salutations : * Well, Monsieur,' said to me the
superioress, ' is it not a pity that a man like you should live in
error? Believe me, follow the example of Madame your wife.
Come among us. You will be received in such a manner that
you will have reason to be content.'
* I make it my glory, Madame,' I replied, ' to profess that
which you call error.'
* Do you believe, then,' said she, * that your wife will be
damned ? '
* My religion teaches me,' said I, ' not to judge anyone.'
She then began a conversation upon common topics. I
* Thiff was Jean-FranQois Chabod, according to M. de Montet.
' Fran^oise-Madeleine Favre des Charmettea (M. de Montet).
VAUD, BERNE. AND SAVOY 31
replied in tHe manner proper to a person of her rank, and con-
tented myself with showing her that I was there only to pay
her my duty.
My desertress then taking np the conversation, said, ' This
is an obstinate ; there is nothing to be gained with him.'
After haying remained there about half an hour, I took
leave of these ladies, manifesting my gratitude for all the
attentions I had received in their house. As I was leaving one
of the ladies said, ' Adieu, Monsieur. I hope that Grod will
touch your heart, and that we shall see you one day among us.'
^I hope, Madame,' I replied, ^that we shall aU see one
another some day in the Valley of Jehoshaphat.'
A moment aflber, being in the room of the pretended dona-
tress, they brought the completed act. She gave it to me her-
self.
I then went out, and called upon the juge mage,^ who com-
pleted the ordinary formalities, and affixed his seal to it.
This is the faithful narration of all that passed on that
occasion, even the smallest circumstances of which I have
endeavoured to recollect. In all this can anything be found
which approaches promises and hopes held out, as the petition
supposes ? Can a person be taxed with compiling or having
caused to be drawn up an act in writing, who refused to accept
it unless a clause was cut out by which he was unwilling to
bind himself ? Was it necessary to make use of a stratagem to
induce the pretended donatress to execute an act which she and
her counsellors, skilled men, perfectly well knew was null in
law ? Can it be considered as wishing to take an advantage of
them, because one was unwilling to become their dupe ? Was
it necessary to resort to circumlocution in order to gain those
who were present at this stipulation, when there was nothing to
be done except to listen to the reading of a donation which was
entirely completed with the exception of the names and to
authorize it by their presence ?
I have nothing to say against the character of these gentle-
men, whose names even I do not remember, and who the
petition says are people of merit. I never spoke to them before
■ Or president of tribanaL This post, says de Montet, was then ooonpied
by Noble and Spectable No«l Viallet, councillor of the king.
82 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
that day, and I am unaware that I have ever seen one of them
since. I am not aware whether or not some one of them had
something to do with the petition ; bat what may not one
expect from party spirit ?
From the juge mage I went to the intendant's — ^that is, to
the Piedmonteae noble — to retnm his call. I only remained
there a moment, and then went to the said lady, whom I found
in bed.
This is all that passed between ns nntil snpper.
The frankness which I profess to employ does not permit
me to hide the following fact, although there is nothing about
it in the petition.
' You are going then,' she said, * without my knowing when
I shall have the pleasure of seeing you again, and without
leaving me any assurance that you will take care of me.'
* You know perfectly well/ I said, * my circumstances ; and
that my sad situation does not permit me to bind myself in any
manner.'
After a long dialogue, which it would be useless to insert
here, she conducted herself in such a manner that she induced
me to have some condescension for her. Briefly, I wrote a
billet stating in substance that, on account of the donation
passed in my favour that day, and in case that by virtue of that
document I should have the tranquil possession of her property,
I would give her an annual income of three hundred silver livres
of Savoy. I thought that I risked nothing in this, since the
condition expressed in the note not having taken place, it bound
me to nothing. I have since taken care to withdraw the note.
BO she was not in a position to make use of it.
She arose. We supped, and I remained there until an hour
after midnight, and she received the next day a censure from
the superioress.
The 27th, which was a Friday, I came in the morning to
take leave of her. As I quitted her she was seized with a sort
of faiotness, which was so short that it convinced me she was a
veritable comedian. I left the same day.
Some weeks later I received a letter from her, which in
itself is sufficient to destroy all the pretended promises and
hopes the petition supposes. She finished it in these terms :
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 88
' / pray you to regard me from henceforth as deadj and to think
no more about me than if I reaUy were so.*
This is tiie last I received from her. We have had no
interoonTse £rom that day.
I was at Berne in December, and Their Excellencies of the
Senate isaned an order by which, after haying declared the
property of the said lady confiscated to their profit, they aban*
doned tiieir rights to me, patting me in their place. It is, if I
am not mnch mistaken, dated the 26th of December. You will
find it among my papers.
M. de Pluvianes being at Berne in January, 1727, 1 wrote
to him to ask him to obtain a divorce in my name, sending him
for this purpose a power of attorney. The order of the Supreme
Consistory is, I think, of the 5th [24th] February. It is also
among my papers. I have none with me.
About this time, there fell into my hands a letter from my
desertress to St. Andr6, who still lodged with me but was then
absent — ^for it is well to remark that, under pretext of the
manufactory, there had always been a correspondence between
the two, which indicates that there was connivance between
them. The sending her a cask of merchandise the evening
before she left Evian, those which she carried away with her,
which could not have been done without his knowledge, and
many other things, gave rise to violent suspicion, but were not
real proofs.
I should not perhaps have opened this letter, whose character
I perfectly well understood, if it had not been for the affectation
with wbich she had purposely badly written my name upon the
address. This determined me to open it, but in such a manner
that I could close it without its being noticed.
It was without signature, containing the date of the month,
but not the name of the place from whence it was written. She
advised him to get out of me all that he could, and they could,
in case of necessity, make use of the arms which they had in
hand for that purpose.
All this was still not evidence, for I was not named. The
only thing I had to do was to dissimulate, and I destroyed the
letter. I resolved to retake the note in question, and to make
use of him for that purpose, as you will see presently.
VOL. n. D
' i
86 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
made the marriage, and assisted in the contract ; that not heing
able to have recourse except to the property in Savoy, and
because there might be peril in delay, she demanded the seizure
of the sums due to my father, not only of those which she names,
but of those which she may discover hereafter, iSnishing by say-
ing that these sums would never make more than a very small
part of that which is due to the suppliant, and making the dotal
constitution amount to not less than 80,000 Patagons, without
speaking of her matrimonial gains and advantages.
Her conclusion is in harmony with the spirit which reigns
throughout the petition and is altogether opposed to that of
truth. Let us refute it in as brief a manner as possible.
If it were as true as it is in reality false, that since her flight
I have not enjoyed her property except in virtue of the dotal covisiir
tution, there would be nothing in all that contrary to the dis-
positions of the law, since in France, in England, and in the
greater number of countries in Europe, by the malicious
desertion of a wife, the property which she brought to her
husband devolves by full right upon him. This is an admitted
fact. We have an example of this of fresh date in England. I
think there is the same in Bavoy ; I will not, however, positively
assert it.
But here the case is altogether different. The property of
the desertress devolved upon me by an order of December 26,
1726, by which Their Excellencies, after having declared the
said property confiscated to their profit and benefit, being
touched by my unhappy situation, and being moved by their
usual benignity, cede to me their rights and put me in their
place and stead. By what right does a foreign tribunal under-
take to review the orders of our sovereigns ? Of what conse-
quence to us are the laws and customs of Savoy ?
Have I done any great wrong in having considered as dis-
solved a marriage which she has rendered null by her desertion,
and of having taken advantage of our laws to declare it such ?
Am I a Roman Catholic, and obliged to think marriage indis-
soluble ? Since when, and in what country, do the malicious
desertion of a husband and the despoiling him of all that can be
carried away, give a wife a right to recover not only her dot,
but even the matrimonial advantages to which she would have
VAUD, BERNE. AND SAVOY 87
no right to pretend — except in case of sniriving her hnsband or
of not rendering herself unworthy daring the time of their
nnion?
How can she dare to complain that / have sold and dissipated
her property ? I had fiill right to do so, since I was the master
of it. Moreover, Their Excellencies have, I think, authorized
the same. You know better than I whether this is so, and to
what the proceeds of this sale have been applied, since you had
all the management and the trouble of this business. It was
necessary to pay the debts she had contracted for her accursed
mann&ctory, whose funds she had carried away with her, and
for the other foolish expenses to which I had been weak enough
to dose my eyes. And far from there remaining to me some of
her property, you know better than any one how much of my
own has gone, and how little remains to me.
My retirement into England, with which she reproaches me, is
a proof that I am not enriched by these ' spoils.' If it is a dis-
honour not to be rich, I will endeavour to efface it in conduct-
ing myself as a man of honour.
What right did the presence of my father and his authoriza-
tion of the contract of 1713 give her over his property, when
she had none whatever by the contract itself?
She carmoty she says, have reeowrse to any except the property
which is in Savoy, and on this account she demands the seizure of
ih^ gums due to rny fa£her in that country. Does she hope that
party-spirit will prevail sufficiently over the members of the
Senate of Savoy, to make them find a right and a mortgage
where there has never been one ? It is true that it seems that
this tribunal has gone a little quickly to work in granting
provisionally the seizure without having heard the parties ; bat
it is to be hoped from the enlightenment and the sense of
justice of the seigniors who compose it, that after having heard
them, being convinced of the injustice of the demand of the
plaintiff^ they will nonsuit her, and annul the provisional
seizure which they have granted.
It must be that in Savoy the term of Patagon carries a
different idea from what it has in the rest of Europe ; or, that
the plaintiff, far from losing her time in that country, has well
learned the rule of multiplication. Her dotal consiiiuiion, says
86 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
made the marriage, and assisted in the contract ; that not being
able to have reconrse except to the property in Savoy, and
because there might be peril in delay, she demanded the seizure
of the snms dae to my father, not only of those which she names,
bat of those which she may discover hereafter, finishing by say-
ing that these simis wonld never make more than a very small
part of that which is due to the snppliant, and making the dotal
constitution amount to not less than 80,000 Patagons, without
speaking of her matrimonial gains and advantages.
Her conclusion is in harmony with the spirit which reigns
throughout the petition and is altogether opposed to that of
truth. Let us refute it in as brief a manner as possible.
If it were as true as it is in reality false, that since her flight
I have not enjoyed her property except in virtue of the doted consti-
tution, there would be nothing in all that contrary to the dis-
positions of the law, since in France, in England, and in the
greater number of countries in Europe, by the malicious
desertion of a wife, the property which she brought to her
husband devolves by full right upon him. This is an admitted
fact. We have an example of this of fresh date in England. I
think there is the same in Savoy ; I will not, however, positively
assert it.
But here the case is altogether different. The property of
the desertress devolved upon me by an order of December 26,
1726, by which Their Excellencies, after having declared the
said property confiscated to their profit and benefit, bebg
touched by my unhappy situation, and being moved by their
usual benignity, cede to me their rights and put me in their
place and stead. By what right does a foreign tribunal under-
take to review the orders of our sovereigns ? Of what conse-
quence to us are the laws and customs of Savoy ?
Have I done any great wrong in having considered as dis-
solved a marriage which she has rendered null by her desertion,
and of having taken advantage of our laws to declare it such ?
Am I a Roman Catholic, and obliged to think marriage indis-
soluble? Since when, and in what country, do the malicious
desertion of a husband and the despoiling him of all that can be
canied away, give a wife a right t/O recover not only her dot,
but even the matrimonial advantages to which she would have
TAUD, BESHE, AND 8AV0T 89
Out if I had been in the country sbe would never have dared to
keeit in her petition the malicioDS insinnationa with which it ia
illed ; but knowing me to be far away, she thought that she
toald do it with impunity.
My letter has insensibly arrived at the size of « volame. I
nalce yon a tbooBiind excnass, my dear friend, and I pray you
to dutrge the postage to my account, it not beii^ jnst that you
ibonld be burdened in any manner, I have thooglit that it waa
ibiohitdy necessary to enter into a well-formulated detail, and
this has carried me further away than I aapposed it would, and
bit taken time, as you may well judge, to recollect eventa which
toolc place six years ago. My situation of mind haa not
pennitted me to abridge it. It is indeed time to reply to the
cootenta of your letter.
Ton, my dear Eriend, as well aa my couflin de Bochat, whom
I pny you to aasore of my entire &iendship, think that it is
sMntely necessary to have a suuiifeeto printed and distributed
in SiToy, as much to relieve me from the atrocious calumnies of
the petition of my deeertrees as to make known her entire
condnct I am of the same opinion, and, being persuaded of
your prudence, I place myself in your hands in this respect.'
Her coDduct is known to you. You will find an account of one
pott gf it in the petition which I presented to Their Excellenciea
on Uie subject of tins accursed affiur, and which ought to be
among my papers ; only I will add here some more circumstancea
of which pn can make such nse as you may deem proper.
In the antnmn of 1725 she was at Aii in Savoy, on account
of KBoe pains. M. Don6, to whom m passing I pray yon to
From
d then
others
u from
odhow
OS have
e then,
lermine
88 mSTORIC STUDIES IN
she, amaurUed at the least to thirty thotisand Patagons. Although
we are not concerned here to dispute the greater or less amoant,
after the order of Their Excellencies, I will not refrain firom
saying that it is proved by the juridical inventory, taken in
September 1726 by the bailiff of Yevey, in consequence of the
order of Their Excellencies, that all the property and effects of
the said dame, estimated by persons sworn for that purpose,
amounted only to thirty-eight thousand francs, although the
property which her stepmother enjoyed and the remains of the
d6bris of the manufactory were comprised in this sum — ^by which
it appears that I have never had in hand from her above thirty
thousand livres. Nobody knows better than you that the
result of the sale of the said property was far below that sum.
But this is a trifle, and she must be pardoned, for she has
only raised the dotal constitution two-thirds. Why should she
speak more correctly in this article than in all the rest of the
articles ? It seems to me that she has turned her coat, false-
hood has become her favourite sin.
If I am rightly informed, some months after her desertion
she wrote to my father by the cur6 of Bumilly that she had
taken no part in our unfortunate suit, and that she had done
all in her power to turn me from it. It is positively qiiite the
contrary, as I can protest before God and in entire truth.
As for her indifference for the faith in matter of religion,
she owes it in part to the principles of our Pietists. That was
the sentiment of her late father, and it appears to have been
that of the late M. Magny, one of their principal doctors, who
said to me, on his return from a journey to Annecy to see my
desertress, that he had never found her soul so well turned
towards God in dispositions. These were his exact words,
which scandalised me greatly.
The aforesaid dame complains q/'/ier^^ita^um in her petition.
If she means by that that she has been deceived in her hopes,
she has only herself to blame for it.
Some time ago, I was told that she was suffering from a
cancer at Chamb^ry, where she was living. When you ascertain
the truth with regard to this, let me know, I pray you. If
this be so, does she desire to make a gift to her new church
of property over which she has no right? I am persuaded
VAUJ). BERNE, AND SAVOY 89
tliafc if I had been in the oonntry she would never have dared to
insert in her petition the maUdons insinnations with which it is
filled ; but knowing me to be fSGur away, she thought that ahe
could do it with impuniiy.
My letter has insensibly arrived at the size of a volume. I
make you a thousand excuses, my dear friend, and I pray you
to charge the postage to my account, it not being just that you
ahoold be burdened in any manner. I have thought that it was
absolutely necessary to enter into a well-formulated detail, and
this has carried me further away than I supposed it would, and
has taken time, as you may well judge, to recollect events which
took place six years ago. My situation of mind has not
permitted me to abridge it. It is indeed time to reply to the
contents of your letter.
You, my dear friend, as well as my cousin de Bochat, whom
I pray you to assure of my entire friendship, think that it is
absolutely necessary to have a manifesto printed and distributed
m Savoy, as much to relieve me from the atrocious calumnies of
the petition of my desertress as to make known her entire
conduct. I am of the same opinion, and, being persuaded of
your prudence, I place myself in your hands in this respect.'
Her conduct is known to you. You will find an account of one
part of it in the petition which I presented to Their Excellencies
on the subject of this accursed afiBur, and which ought to be
among my papers ; only I will add here some more circumstances
of which you can make such use as you may deem proper.
In the autumn of 1725 she was at Aix in Savoy, on account
of some pains. M. Dou6, to whom in passing I pray you to
present my compliments, accompanied her thither. From
thence she made a journey to Chambdry. She passed then
some days at Geneva, where some ladies, amongst others
Mme. Oallatin, entertained her. She could not refrain from
showing them how much she was charmed with Savoy, and how
disgusted she was with our country. Honourable persons have
since assured me of this fact. I have learned also, since then,
that it was during this voyage that they began to undermine
her by promises and attentions.
' ' This manif eeto/ sajB de Montet, * does not appear to have been ever
pobliahed.'
40 HISTOBIC STUBIBS IN
She was ill that winter. My nncle de Vnllierens haying
done ofi the honour to come to see us, she told him in so many
words that he woald hear the next summer of a most extra-
ordinary event concerning a lady of the country — ^a proof that
she had prepared her plans a long time beforehand.
She had| towards the spring of 1726, the precaution to
summon to Vevey M. Viridet, a physician of Merges, vdth the
intention of being advised to take the waters, a remedy which
is a good saddle for all horses. M. Yiridet, recognising that
her illness arose more from perturbation of mind than from real
delicacy of body, and seeing her determined to take the waters
of Amphion, took good care not to contradict her desires.
Under this pretext she was enabled to arrange everything
for the execution of her project. The manufactory which she
had established, and which had been begun in 1724,' furnished
her another pretext for borrowing considerable sums, whose
amount you may see and the date in the inventory of the month
of September 1726. They are not unknown to you, since yon
made the payments.
She carried with her the money she had borrowed on this
occasion in the winter of 1725-6, and the money borrowed np
to her departure. There were even loans contracted in the
month of June. She carried them away, I say, or at least
the greater portion of them ; and though she may have employed
a part of the aforesaid sums to buy silk, &c., or to pay the
workmen, she was more than indemnified by the goods tiiem-
selves which she took away with her in leaving Vevey, or which
St. Andr6 forwarded to her at Evian. This was all the more
easy, inasmuch as I myself had no part in the manufiskctory.
You will find this inventory and the condition of my pretensions
against the aforesaid among my papers. If the inventory
should be mislaid, it can always be found in the hands of the
secretary ballival Grenier.
Towards the end of June 1726 ^ a flood created consider-
able devastation at Vevey and in the environs. The cellars,
gardens, wine-presses — in a word, all the lower parts were
under water. Scarcely were things restored to order, when she
* 1725. (De Montet, p. 226.)
' It should be July 5. (De Montet, p. 227.)
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 41
took the occasion of a general washing to pnt all the finest and
best linen aside. Their Excellencies depnted, in July, the
Treasurer de WatteviUe to examine upon the spot itself the
losses caused by the waters. She chose exactly this time for
her departure. The occupation which the repair of the damages
made by the waters to our house and to our country-house gave
me, prevented me from undertaking the voyage with her.
Everything seemed to combine to &cilitate her enterprise.
As she always took with her a great deal of luggage, even
for the shortest trip, and as this would consume some weeks,
those who were not in the plot paid no attention to the fact that
she took with her more than usual. Besides, in packing her
baggage, she only made use of a proselyte who followed her
into Savoy some weeks after her desertion. As we had acted as
sponsors to the child of this woman, and as she had often been
in the house and had even nursed my desertress during her
illness, there was no ground for suspicion.
Obliged to accompany His Grandeur [the Treasurer] as
much through my respect for him as from the fact of my being
the deputy of the Council of Vevey, of which I was a member, it
was impossible for me to perceive this intrigue ; and an event
Uke that of her evasion coidd not naturally enter into my mind.
My desertress arranged everything to depart during the night,
under pretext of avoiding the heat of the day; finding,
apparently, that nothing was in better keeping with a work of
darkness than darkness itself. This was on July 13th and 14th.
On the day preceding this departure, I said to her that it would
be well to put up the silver which was not absolutely necessary.
She did so, and in my presence placed all the best that we had
in a buffet, where we were accustomed to put it when we went
ont of town, with the exception of two chandeliers, a candle-
stick, two spoons, and as many knives and forks, a coffee- pot,
and a tea-pot which she took, she said, for her use during
her sojourn at Evian ; and having placed the key of the afore-
said buffet in a closet where there were many others, she gave
me the key of the said closet.
There remuned then for my use only some old spoons and
forks, and an antique salt-cellar — in a word, simply what you
found among my effects. As I was going out a short time
42 HISTORIC STUDIES 15
after, she said to me that she needed something which she bad
forgotten in the aforesaid closet. I gave her the key, which she
handed back to me on my retnm.
I snpped that evening with His Grandeor at the house
of M. Couvrea. My desertress took this interval to have her
coffers and baggage transported to the boat— -that is, brigantine,
for such it was. She did not forget the silver plate that she
had locked up that day in my presence, of which she was
careful to take possession before giving me back the key of
the key closet.
Under pretext of housekeeping at Evian, she took the
kitchen utensils, the ironware, &c., the finest and best linen,
coverlets, mattresses, with her jewels and underclothing; in
a word, all that you can see in the list of effects which she
carried away when the inventory was made in 1726, and
even others beside. You will find this list among my papers.
Beyond this, she carried away a large part of the goods
of the manufactory. The fact that she could not do this without
the aid of St. Andr6 gives great cause for suspicion that they
understood each other.
On my return, I found that she was shut up in her room,
under pretence of sleeping. Notwithstanding this appearance,
it was this time she took to finish packing, that is to say,
putting up the silver she was carrying away with her, and
her jewels. As I heard no noise, although there was a light
— which she had always burning in her room since her last
illness — I went to bed, giving orders to the domestics to
inform me the moment that she was awake. This she pre-
vented them from doing until just the moment before her
departure.
About two o'clock in the morning, she c«ne to me to
say adieu. She would not hear of my getting up. I did so,
however, throwing over me only my robe de chambre. I felt her
trembling as I conducted her to the boat, so greatly did she
fear, apparently, to be discovered ; but we were all so blinded
about her, that scarcely would we have believed our own eyes.
She even pushed her dissimulation so far, that during the time
that she meditated this fine stooke, she manifested for me a
special cordiality.
TAJJD, BEBNE. ANI> SAVOY 48
She took with her La Clieiiebid of Vevey to act «8 her
femme ds chambre during her sojourn at Evian.
It was in leaving the honse to go to embark that she gave
to poor Peter to cany under the name of toilet-case a casket
which she had not been willing to send to the boat before
herself. It is true that it had senred for that purpose, bnt
at this - time she had placed in it the silver that she was
carrying away, and her jewels.
Peter accompanied her as &r as Evian. He has told me
fiinoe that he had found this casket very heavy. He is fall
of Ufe, as far as I know, and he can tell you himself. He is an
honest man ; you have had many proofii of it in the guardian-
ship and sale of my effects. Certainly if he had known what
he was carrying he would have told me, and the blow would
have missed ; but I do not think that I should have been any
happier. K yon have occasion to render him a service I shall
be under obligations for it, and I shall credit you with it.
I have forgotten to say in its place that I took the aforesaid
Peter with me to Annecy. His name is Fruschy. He is from
the village of Saanen in Gessenez, or its environs.
I was then so occupied with arranging for the repair of the
disordersof the flood that I had not time to go to Evian until the
4th of August, which was a Sunday. In this interval, I received
several letters from her of a very cordial character. I was at
Evian with M. Couvreu and some others. We went there in a
brigantine.
When I was at the house of the aforesaid dame, she said to
me that, not having seen me for some time, she prayed me not
to go out that day, and to pass the whole of it with her. I did
80 all the more willingly that, indispensable affairs calling me
the next day to Vevey, it would be necessary for me to return
with these gentlemen, who were going back the same evening.
She feared that I might discover her design, and everything
tended to close my eyes.
Madame de Bonnevaux came thither while we were dining.
She only came in and went out immediately. I got up to
accompany her. She would not allow me, and said to me three
times, ' Do not leave your wife.' Nevertheless I accompanied
her to the door. She has since pretended that she wished to
44 HISTORIC STUDIES IK
reveal to me by these words the intention of my desertress, and
thereby put things in order. I leave it to every man of good
sense to judge if one could give such an interpretation to them.
Note well that the aforesaid dame de Bonnevaux had been
one of the principal mediaries in this afihir, and that she had
taken upon herself the rdle of proselytiser. When the devil
was old, he turned hermit. I desired to go and call upon her
after dinner, but my desertress prevented me. Everything
gave her umbrage. She feared lest something should escape
the aforesaid dame, which would disclose the pot of roses which
were nevertheless upon the point of opening. When we were
alone, my desertress prayed me to send her Bayle's Dictionary,
whose perusal would amuse her; saying that she suffered greatly
from ennuiy and was almost always alone.
I had a very beautiful cane with a golden head which she
also asked for, to use in walking while taking the waters, 60
much did it grieve her to leave with me the slightest thing bom
which she might derive profit. As I knew not how to refuse
her anything, I gave the one and the other to* St. Andr6, whom
she had asked me to send to her next day, being obliged to talk
with him concerning the affairs of the manufactory; and he
carried them to her.
My companions came to pay her a visit. We took coffee
together. When going out, they said they would inform me
when they were ready to leave.
The rest of the time that I was with her, she sighed, and
said now and then, 'My dear husband, what will become of
you ? ' This was apparently the remains of a remorse of con-
science, but it was soon smothered. What took place on the
night even of our departure is a proof of this. As she was
subject to vapours, I thought it was only the effect of that
malady, and I sought to tranquillise her.
The hour of departure arrives ; they come to inform me. I
take leave of her. She manifests as much friendship as she had
ever done in her life for me. She accompanies me outside of
the house, whose rear looks on the lake, as far as the shore, with
tears in her eyes. I saw some of the king's guards round abont,
but did not for a moment suppose that they were there to watch
us. Nevertheless, nothing was more true, and I have since
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 46
learned that my desertresa had already giFen her word to the
Bishop of Aimecy.
As we left, she accompanied the brigantme with her eyes.
Bat of what dissimalation is not a woman capable ? I have
since learned, on good authority, bnt long after, that scarcely
had she tomed her back upon ns, than her maid said to her,
' Madame, yon have a good hosband.'
' If yon think so/ she replied, ' then take him, for he will
soon be without a wife.'
As we were beginning oar voyage, we perceived the king of
Sardinia on horseback, with some seigniors of his court, return*
ing from a promenade. Some of our gentlemen not having
Been him before, approached the shore and descended. I re*
mained in the boat with the others. When the king had passed,
these gentlemen returned, and we set sail once more.
I have been assured that as His Majesty entered Evian, my
desertrees, who lodged in the house of the sieur Bugnet, which
is very near the gate, went and threw herself at his feet to
demand his protection, and bread. Whereupon the king seems
to have replied, ' I accord you the one, and I will take care that
you do not want the other.'
At any rate, it is certain that from that same evening, she
changed her lodgings, and went to the house of Mme. de Bonne-
vaux, where they took care to amuse her and keep her within
view, as if they feared that there would be an attempt to carry
her off.
We made scarcely more than two leagaes that night. Bad
weather overtook us ; much rain fell, and even hail. It was
fortunate that we had taken provisions with ns, for the wind
was so contrary that we were obliged to pass the night on the
Savoy coast. We accommodated ourselves to the best of our
ability in our brigantine, which was better at any rate than the
Savoyan huts. We heard from time to time the patrols. They
continued their rounds the whole night through. I do not
doubt this was in order to observe us, and that a knave who
passed the lake with us was a sort of spy; for I have since
become convinced that he had served as messenger between
Mme. de Bonnevaux and my desertress in the correspondence
between them before the latter's arrival at Evian.
46 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
We reached Yevej on Monday the 5th, in the morning. I
said to St. Andr6 that my desertress wished that he should go over
to see her. He left, and took to her my cane and Bayle, which
I had handed to him. He returned on Tuesday morning, the
6th, and said that he must send to the aforesaid dame a cask or
bale of merchandise on that very day. This extremely sudden
order surprised me ; but he told me that the aforesaid dame
absolutely wished it, and that she had scolded him because he
desired to dissuade her, saying to him that she had a chance
to sell it to advantage. He thereupon arranged the bale,
which was very large, and sent it in the evening by the boat
of Evian which had brought him, and which awaited this
freight.
The sending having been completed, he went to Lausanne.
I cannot remember exactly whether he went the same night or
only the next morning. What I do know is this : that on
Wednesday evening, August 7, he returned from Lausanne,
and, coming up to me as I was walking in the rear of the Aiie,
said, * Monsieur, you have no more a wife.*
^ What ? ' said I, altogether astonished.
* No, Monsieur,' he replied ; ' she left Evian this morning to
follow the king to Turin.'
' Are you quite sure of it ? * I said.
' That is the general rumour at Lausanne,' he replied.
I was so blinded that I could not believe a word of it. I
returned to the house, and while going thither reflected that
there is never smoke without fire. I determined, at any rate,
to search in the key closet for that of the buffet where she had
placed the silver-plate in my presence. I was surprised at not
finding this key there. During the whole intervxd which had
elapsed since her departure, not having had occasion to make
any use whatever of what was in the buffet, it had not entered
my mind to examine it.
Finally, I found this key ; but you can never imagine where
she had put it. I was about to have the buffet opened, and it
would have been necessary to employ a locksmith, when the
purest chance led me to find it. Having taken out the contents
of the closet in order to search therein thoroughly, one of those
who were with mo, looking into an old tea box, drew out Bome
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 47
cc^ton with which it was filled, and in which the dome had pnt
this key, and that of her wardrobe.
This sight struck me, and acquainted me with my misfor-
tune. To complete my conviction, I opened the bnffet, and
fbnnd the birds had left the nest. I opened her wardrobe. She
had carried away everything ; she had scarcely even left some
This threw me into a state of mind that yon can well
imagine. The trouble I was in not permitting me to determine
immediately the part that I should take, I went to seek a friend.
I told him the afibir.
* That which you see,* I said to him, ' and the rumour which
prevails, are proofs that she has deserted me, but not that she
has finally abandoned me. I fear that in going myself to the
spot to obtain information, I may expose myself.'
* Do not go,' said he. * Send rather some one.'
We agreed finally, that it should be St. Andrd. I prayed
him to depart the same evening. This he did, with Peter, whom
I thought best to give him as a companion. ' Inform yourself,'
I said to him, ' with exactitude of everything, and give me
constant news.' This was on the night between Wednesday aud
Thursday.
On Thursday morning, the 8th, a man from Lausanne, whose
name I do not remember, and who had come from Evian, came
to my house, and told me that it was only too true ; that the
aforesaid dame had left the day before (Wednesday), August 7,
early in the morning; that she had traversed the whole town on
foot, oonducted by two gentlemen of the suite of His Majesty ;
that at the gate of Allinges, she had entered a coach with a
gentlewoman of Evian (whom I afterwards saw near her at
Annec^) to keep her company ; and that eight guards of His
Majesty escorted the coach.
Between one and two in the afternoon, two boatmen coming
from Evian told me that they had met St. Andr6, who had in-
structed them to come to see me. * We have,' they said, ' this
morning seen the king come out from Mass, and order the man
Bugnet to take care to send on the clothes of Mme. de Warens.
We saw the coffers and bales embarked for Geneva, Everything
was under the seal and arms of the king.'
48 HISTORIC STUDIES IK
Thereupon, after having taken a bouiUon» — for, by the way, I
had swallowed nothing since dinner of the previous day—I
mounted on horseback, and accompanied by a neighbour arrived
at Geneva the following day at the time of opening the gates.
I consulted two persons of my acquaintance, men of honour, as
to seizing the aforesaid effects, but they assured me that I should
not succeed, as they would be passed under the name and cover
of the king. I did not push my point, and returned to my
lodgings ; and think I adopted a wise course. I should, more-
over, have missed the principal thing, the casket, which the
traveller had taken care to transport with her in the coach.
On the day after my return, the castellan of Vevey took the
trouble to come and see me. He informed me of the order of
Their Excellencies, to the effect that the property of their sub-
jects who changed their religion was to be confiscated to their
profit; and he said that he was mortified to be obliged on
account of his office to take an inventory of the dame's effects ;
that he was not come to give me pain, but to consult as to the
manner in which we should take it.
I thanked him for his politeness, and told him that although
the rumour ran that the fugitive had changed her religion, there
was as yet no certainty as to her abjuration ; and that as, more-
over, it was my design to go and throw myself at the feet of
Their Excellencies, I prayed him to suspend action until my
return from Berne.
He replied that he only asked to be relieved from any cen-
sure that might be preferred against him. This was just ; I
therefore gave him a written declaration that it was at my re-
quest, and that for the above reasons he had suspended proceed-
ings ; with this he was contented.
I received about this time a letter from the aforesaid dame,
dated August 11, without the locality being given. She
announced her change of religion ; that she had done this in
order to follow the suggestions of her conscience; and she
prayed God to be willing to touch my heart, and enlighten me
by His Holy Spirit.
A few days later I received another, dated from Annecy.
She exhorted me to follow her example, or at least to give her
the consolation of seeing me.
TAUD, BEE!!IK, AITD SAVOX
yyttan widivUdi it wib £Iled^ and in which the daatt^.^ ^.^
tLk key, «ad tkai « fter wardrobe.
TluB a^kt ttnck ne, and acquainted me witli mr gr-^^y-
t^s&e. To ftmtplfTfP my conriction, I opened the biS-t.
k'tmd tfe fairdb iiad Ids the nest. I opened her wazrir^i^^ ^
hiid GHiied c«iy everrthing ; ahe had acaroely eren i^^
TUs threw lae into a state of mind that tt^ e&s v«*
inimgine. Tke troohle I was in not permitting me to i'em.zi**
inifnfMTmtely tlie put that X should take, X went to bt-i k fr^-=j£
I tc^ Um the a&ir.
^Htffc whidi yoa see/ X said to him, * and the vss/.zr »i^^
preraik, are proob that she >i«^« deserted me, but n^t ti^ ; ,^
haa fiaiDy afaaodDiiied me. X feax that in going icTVif ij ^
ipot to obtein information, X may expose myselL'
* Do Dot go,' said he. ' Send rather some one/
We agreed finally, that it should l>e St. Andre, I p^^^
him to depart the aaone evening. This he did, with P^^ , J ^
I thoogbt best to give him as a companion, 'Infjrin vxrv.*"
I said to him, ' with exactitude of everything, and ^.j^ ^^
newB.' This was on the night hetwe^n W'cil-^^ ^, j
On Thniaday morning, the 8th, a man firom Lansinr^ »•>
Tsame I do ikot remember, and who bad come frum Er^n, c^'n^
to my boose, and told me that it was onlv tootrte; tU ^^^
aSomaid dame had left the day l^efore (Wednedav), An-^ t
wiH in the moming; that she had traversed the wh(.l»* t/jwn r '
fijo^ OQDdncted by two gentlemen of the suite of Dig Mii.-.tv •
that it the gate of Allinges, she had entered a ccr^J, ^.^j^' ^
genldewomaii of Evian (whom I afterwards saw near h^r ^^
AiiBficy) to keep her company ; and that eight goarjg of \ii^
3(a}eety eaotxted the coach.
Between one and two in the afternoon, two boatm«i coming*
fiom Evian told me that they bad met St. Andr^, who hr^d ijl
fl^Bcted them to come to see me. * We have,' they said, » thia
xKMJniing seen the king come out firom Mass, and order the man
:3ogBet to take care to send on the clothes of Mme. de Warena.
'^e ttw theooflfea and bales embarked for Geneva. Everjthinif
" the seal and arms of the king/
60 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
great risk of losing the sums he has in that oountiy, or, at least,
a good part of them. They are anything but assured. M. de la
Bastie has, properly speaUng, nothing belonging to him ; all is
placed in trast, or is entailed by his contract of marriage upon
his son. The property which remains in the hands of M. Le
Jeune, comes entirely from his wife. He has nothing himself.
I do not know the situation of the sieur Picolet. There is even
a strong presumption that the debtors of my father have been
in collusion with my desertress, and that they have led her to
demand this seizure. All the circumstances convince me of
this.
The said dame knew perfectly well before her flight that
there remained in the hands of my father a sum which in reality
belonged to me ; although, perhaps, she has since forgotten the
amount. She knew besides that Messieurs de la Bastie and
Le Jeune were indebted to my father. She remained, neverthe-
less, six years in Savoy without making the slightest movement
to seize the aforesaid sums, over which she has no more right now
than she had then. At what moment did she begin to act ?
Precisely at the moment when my father, after having pnrsaed
his debtors, was on the point of forcing them to reimburse him
in the sums he had confided to them, and when they had no
other resource than this to delay payment.
But, say the partisans of the aforesaid dame, suppose even
that she has no right against your fiibther, she has one against
you by her contract of marriage. Your father enjoys a sum of
money, the property of which is in you. He has some funds in
Savoy ; and as, to make use of her exact language, she oonid
not have recourse except to the effects which are in this oountrj,
and there would be danger in delay, she demands that the sums
dae to your father should remain a guarantee against losses, or
at least, a portion important enough to make up the sum which
belongs to you.
Here is my reply to this, and I believe it is unanswerable.
Her malicious desertion deprives her not only of the advantages
which the contract gave her, but even of the property that die
brought me, which are held to have come to me by that deser-
tion. It is the invariable custom in countries having a written
law. The circumstances which accompanied this desertion—
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 61
that is to say, lihe efifecte which she carried off from me — aggra-
vate her case, and render mine the more favonrable.
But above all, I do not possess the property except in virtue
of the cession made to me by Their Excellencies, after they had
declared it confiscated to their profit. Consequently, she has
no more right against me than she would have against Their
Excellencies themselves. If I were so unfortunate that she
should obtain the end of her petition, this would crown the
work. Far from there remaining to me something of her effects,
my own have departed in company with them. Besides the
payment of the debts she had contracted, it was necessary
for me to pay, strictly speaking, the premium of an imagi-
nary property in her real estate which had not lasted two
years.
I am persuaded that Their Excellencies will not reftise to
acquiesce in the petition that you intend to present, begging
them to sustain us in this position. It concerns their honour
neither to allow their rights to be invaded, nor that a foreign
tribunal should undertake to overturn their orders, at least
tacitly, in giving the right to act against persons in favour of
whom these orders have been issued, and that under pretext of
a right which has been annulled and no longer exists.
I admit that the priesthood will give trouble, but I hope
that we shall extricate ourselves in the end from this bad
situation. I do not think that the Senate of Chamb6ry will
dare to give a sentence in favour of the aforesaid. It is a
delicate point, and would commit the sovereigns against each
other. It is an attempt which should naturally fail. They
will not be willing to embroil themselves for Vk femmelette.
As for my papers, they are in the hands of M. de Pluvianes.
You can take those you consider necessary. The principal
ones are in a small casket, the others in a larger one. All
those of which I speak to you in this long document ought to
be in one or the other. The only things missing fix^m it are
the letters which I think I burned at the time that I departed
for Holland. Perhaps some remain, but this would be a pure
chance. The one without date or signature, written to St.
Andr§, has, at any rate, been destroyed, and I think all the
others, for I burned different pax)ers in the kitclien of our
R 2
62 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
friend Pluvianes ; bat you can count on the fidelity of what I
advance concerning their substance.
You will find here enclosed a letter for M. de Pluvianes, by
which I pray him to pve you the papers of which you have need,
and which you will have the goodness to replace when you have
done with them, and to be good enough to lend us his kind
services.
I cannot sufficiently express to you how sensible I am of the
readiness with which you have endeavoured to draw me out of
this unfortunate situation. I am under a load of obligation to
you. When shall I be in a position to testify my gratitude in
another way than by causing you new embarrassment ? Accept,
I pray you, in the meantime, the will for the deed.
I finish my letter, my dear friend, at the place where yoa
begin yours. If I have taken so long to give you news of
myself, it is because I have had nothing new to tell you con-
cerning my situation. Up to this time no suitable place has
presented itself. Those which would have been acceptable were
taken in advance. Good places are rare, and are to be found
with difficulty.
I have, nevertheless, some good patrons. They make me
hope that they will place me in such a manner that I shall have
reason to be contented ; but they tell me that I must have a
little patience, and that it is much better to wait and have
something solid. It is to be hoped that during this winter we
shall find something good, because I look for nothing during
the remainder of this year. The contrary would be a mere
accident.
I made up my mind to this the more willingly, as I shonld
make a mournful figure in the Pays during all this tripotagej
and assuredly it would not lead my father to see me with more
indulgent eyes than the last time I was at Lausanne.
I thank my dear sister, your wife, for the assurance of her
friendship, and assure her of mine. My respects to your ladies
and my compliments to all the rest of the family. I cordially
embrace d'Orzens, and I make him a thousand excuses that I
am so far in arrears with him The occupation which this
letter has given me, and a wretched cold which has seized me
while I was at work and which holds me still in its grip, prevent
VAUB, BERNE, AUD SAVOY 53
me from writing to him at once. It has delayed the sending of
this letter. I am sorry for it, but nothing is to be done with
the impossible.
I am sensible also of the trouble which my cousin de Bochat ^
is mlling to give himself, conjointly with you. Assure him, I
pray you, of my gratitude, until I can do so myself. My
respects to my uncle and to Mesdames de Bochat, to my uncle
de Yullierens when you see him, to M. and Mme. de Vemand,
and my compliments to all those who do me the honour to
remember me. My cordial greetings to all the fraternity.
Adieu, my dear friend ; pardon once more the length and
the verbiage of my letter. Never have you received, and I
believe never in my life have I before written, such a volume.
I have numbered the pages, thinking this precaution necessary.
Give me, I pray you, news of yourself, and inform me of the
turn things take as early as possible.
As I am absent, perhaps it would be as well to issue the
manifesto in the name of the family. I leave all this, however,
to you ; and I ratify all that you may do.
I date my letter from London, although I write it from the
country, where I am residing. You did well to address yours
to Messieurs Rieu and Guinand at London, without naming the
place of my residence, and I pray you to do the same in the
fnture, because they will always know where to send my
letters.
As one often partakes of the humour of the country wherein
one is, I have changed for the second time my domicile, and
am at present at Islington, where I am nearer to my London
patrons and friends.
Do me the justice to be persuaded of the sincerity of my
friendship and of my gratitude, and that I shall be all my life
entirely yours.
D. L. V.
London, ?||?|^-, 1732.
3 Oct.
N.B. — The same day, September 22, that is, October 3 new
style, I wrote to M. de Pluvianes, to pray him to aid us with
> M. lioys de Bochat, who married the aunt of George Deyverdan (the Iriend
of Gibbon), and resided in La Grotte.
64 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
his kind offices in this accursed aSsdr, to communicate to M. de
Hides the papers of which he might have need, to replace them
afterwards in the caskets, and, finally, to take care that my
books, which are in the co£fer in which the caskets are enclosed,
shall not be injured.
The above postscript is followed by a space of blank lines,
and the ensuing explanations or memorandum, also in the hand-
writing of M. de Warens :
The process which the former dame de Warens had brought
against my father in 1732, by the seizure of the sums due to
him in Savoy, as has been seen by the preceding letter, having
lasted a long time, and having obliged my brother d'Orzens to
make various journeys to Ghamb6ry, and one to Turin, she
finally desisted from the aforesaid seizure in May 1734 ; M. La
Croix, being then attorney of my said father, os may be seen from
the following instrument sent to me by my father in June, 1734,
at the house [La Grotte] of my cousin de Bochat, where I then
lodged, which was written by the hand of my father, bearing
word for word the following :
Copy of an Act of the 24th May, 1734.
In the suit of demoiselle Louise Franpoise de la Tour,
demandress and defendress, against noble Jean de Loys, seignior
of Villardin and Orzens, also demander and defender, has
appeared before M. Banquis, actuary in the cause, the attorney
of the said defendress, assisted by her, who, having shown to
the undersigned the last deed of the seignior demander of the
16th of April last, and the production by him made, says,
under his advice, that as he (the seignior demander) has just
produced certificates in form concerning the customs contended
for by him in establishing that the written law is not followed in
the Pays de Vaud, as the court had been led to believe, and
even that the requirements of the common law in parallel cases
had not been fulfilled, the demoiselle defendress, not wishing to
raise distressing contestations, declares that she abandons her
opposition to the removal of the seizure required by the
seignior demander, to which she consents, reserving to herself,
YAUD, BBRNE, AND SAVOY 66
nevertheleeB, the privilege of pursuing her rights in the maimer
that may hereafter appear against the seignior de Lojrs de
Warens and against his property ; and she woold not have so
long delayed to make the said declaration, if the seignior
demander had produced the said certificates, in correct form,
and unless he takes advantage of it he will be nonsuited, with
costB and jadgment.
(Signed) Demotz, advocate general of the Poor,
and Morel, attorney.
(Signed) Banquis,
actnary to the Senate.
The said copy is endorsed in the handwriting of my father :
* Copy for the seignior de Loys de Villardin, of the 24th of
May, 1734, at Chamb^ry, of the retirement and withdrawal of
the former dame de Warens, divorc6e, sent and received by the
post at Ijaasanne, the 8th of June, 1734, by M. La Croix, his
agent, ordinarily living in the me du Temple de St. Gervais, at
Geneva.'
CHAPTER XOV
Ths letter of M. de Warens carries in its train several interest-
ing adjuncts for the use of which I am indebted to the Marqnis
de JjojBnCbAndien.
The first is M. de Warens' petition of August 29, 1726, to
ihe authorities of Berne, praying them to stop the operations of
the fiscal attorney looking to the confiscation of his wife's
property, on account of her change of religion, because of
the debts and embarrassments left on him by her flight, and
to surrender to him the property remaining.
This is followed by an order of Their Excellencies of the
same date to the Seignior Bailiff of Chillon, stopping the pro-
cedure of the fiscal attorney, but directing that there should be
taken ' an exact inventory of the debts, active and passive, of
the aforesaid dame, for transmission immediately to Their
Sxcellencies,' and her property liquidated at the smallest cost.
There follows a rimmi of the inventory of the fortune of
3£me. de Warens duly forwarded in accordance with this order
66 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
to Berne, whereby it appeared that M. de Warens held from his
wife's property 33,264 livres, and that her debts amounted to
34,056 livres. Their Excellencies oonld have had no hesitation
in being generous.
The next paper is the Donation made by Mme. de Warens
to her husband, of which the latter speaks in his letter to M. de
Middes. It bears at the top the official stamp of twelve deniers,
and is interesting enough to see the light in full :
' The year 1726, on the 26th of the month of September, in
the morning, in the house of the Beverend Sieurs Chaplains of
the Reverend BeliguMsea of the first Monastery of the Visitation
of St. Mary of Annecy, before me, notary royal of the said town
undersigned, and in presence of the witnesses hereinafter named,
appeared in person, duly identified and established, noble dame
E16onore Fran^oise Louise de la Tour, daughter of the late noble
Jean Baptiste de la Tour, former citizen of Vevey, in the Pays
de Yaud, wife of noble Sebastien Isaac de Loys, seignior of
Warens, in the Canton of Berne, in Switzerland, who declares
that she has not left her house nor the estates of Their Excel-
lencies of the said Berne, of which she was bom a subject,
because of any discontent towards her said husband, nor other-
wise, but solely to follow the movements of her conscience,
which have led her to embrace the Roman Catholic religion, of
which she now by the grace of God makes profession.
^ And as she learned that Their Excellencies, immediately
after her retreat, had taken an inventory of her property, real
and personal, and as she fears lest the consequences of this
formality may be to cause her husband to lose the legitimate
pretensions he has to her property, she declares by the present
act that her intention has always been to leave 1"'tti the peace-
able enjoyment and possession thereof, and that she had counted
on his never being troubled therein, having always lived in
entire peace and union with her said husband ; and desiring to
give him marks of her good feeling, and on account of the
friendship which she has for him for the gracious manner in
which he has always treated her, she has made, and by this
present act makes to the said noble Sebastien Isaac de Leys,
seignior of Warens, her husband, here present and accepting for
himself and his heirs, a general donation of all her property and
VAUD. BERKE, AJND SAVOY 67
rights, and th&t by a donation pure and siniple between Hying
persons, without reserve, other than a sam of one thoasand
livreB of Savoy, to be raised upon the property hereinbefore
given, to make use of and dispose of as may seem good to
her.
' The present donation is made in the presence and with the
assistance of noble spectable Noel Yiallet, councillor of the king
mi his jnge mage of the province of the Genevois, whom the
parties humbly supplicate to be good enough to authorize and
enregister the present donation, with which object the said
dame donatress has appointed and constituted as her attorney
Ma!tre Jean Pierre Morens, and the said seignior de Warens,
Maitre Joseph Amblet, both attorneys of the said judicature
absent as well as present — ^I, notary, for them stipulating and
accepting — ^to require and consent to the said enregistration,
making choice of domicile, for this purpose, in their persons and
that of their substitntes, in the form, style and rule of this
country, and praying also very humbly Their Excellencies to
deign to ratify and enforce the present donation between living
persons which she has made to her said husband as a proof of the
affection which she will preserve for him during all her life — and
to render the present act enforceable according to their accus-
tomed clemency, declaring in good faith that she has not been
solicited nor led by any person whomsoever, to execute the
present d^, but that she has made the same purely of her own
motion, and open and free will, under and with all dae promises,
rennnciations and other requisite clauses — and to which said
donation the said jugs mage has brought the support of his
judicial authority for the above motives, as he does hereby
declare.
' Sealed and delivered at Annecy, in the aforesaid place, in
the presence of noble and spectable Gaspard de Lambert,
seignior of Soirier, of la Coste d'Evires, seignior of Choyrier,
and co-seignior of Auteville, first of the noble syndics of Annecy ;
of spectable Joseph Favre, advocate of the Senate, second of
the said noble syndics seigniors of Annecy-le-Vieux ; of
Reverend Francois Chabod, and of Reverend Am6d6e Montillet,
archpriest and cantor of the Maccabeans of Geneva, residing in
the present town of Annecy, and of Maitre Franpois Charcot,
58 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
practising notary, bourgeois of tbe said Annecy — the witnesses
required, all people of distinction and probity, known to me
who have signed the minute on folio 609, book 2.
(Signed) ' J. Madkis.' '
CHAPTER XCVI
On December 26, 1726, the banneret of Berne issued an order
of Their Excellencies gratuitously abandoning to M. de Warens
the property of noble de la Tour, his wife, who has escaped,
under the condition that he will arrange with the creditors, and
pay them. On February 24, 1727, they accorded him a divorce
with liberty to marry.
M. Baron, in his manuscript notes on Doppet's volume,
makes a statement that may fitly close the record of these issues
and settlements :
*By will made in 1709, M. Jean Baptiste de la Tour dis-
posed of his property, establishing a triple substitution, in case
that all his children died without posterity and without a will,
by leaving the enjoyment of it during her lifetime to his widow
Marie Flavard — among others the country-house of the Bassets
— under the reserve that she could not dispose of it except in
favour of ber nearest relatives; and he established as testa-
mentary executor a M. de Bov6r6a, charged also with the
interests of the estate of the de la Tours.
' It appears that the testator died in 1725.
^ In consequence of her clandestine flight and change of
religion, Mme. de Warens was legally considered as dead, and
also deprived of her rights to the inheritance of her parents.
On this account, Their Excellencies of the State of Berne
decreed December 26, 1726, that the property which might
come to Mme. de Warens, after the death of her stepmother,
Mme. la veuve de la Tour n6e Flavard, should devolve upon the
Treasury.
> Donation faiU par Mme dt Warms d son mart, M. d6 Lovs de Wams,
26 Septembre 1726. (MS. impublished. From the archives of the Mtrqais
de Lojrs-Chandieu.)
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 59
' Now, the latter dame died April 24, 1745. The right of
confiscation belonged to M. Bondeli, baron of Chatelard, in
whose fief the oonntry-house of the Bassets was situated.
Nevertheless, there arose on this point an exceptional question
from the fact that, in the present case, it concerned the exercise
of this right against a person who, by the fact of a change of
religion, had incurred confiscation of property ; and at that time
they were very severe in these matters, and here this right
ought to be exercised by the government of Berne, the sovereign
seignior.
' Nevertheless, on acconnt of certain considerations. Their
Excellencies did not follow it up. On December 9, 1745, they
ordered that, after taking an inventory, the property should be
put by the bailiff of Yevey under the provisional trustee charged
to render them an account of it, and to send annually the
revenue to Mme. de Warens, to whom this property would be
restored as a whole, if, on her return to her country, she re-
entered the Beformed Church. As is well known, she com-
plied with neither the one nor the other of these conditions.
' Lieutenant Jean Louis Vincent of Chailly was established as
trustee of the country-house of the Bassets, and he rendered, in
1746, the first account of his stewardship, a r^svmS of which ia
transcribed in a chapter of the accounts of the bailiwick of Yevey
for that same year ; but as we cannot find the accounts of that
trusteeship for the following years nor any other documents
relative to it, I am ignorant what was the result and the end
of this affair, upon which I will make no conjecture.
' One sees here that Mme. de Warens had lost her mother,
nie Wamery, already in the year 1704. She thus became aa
orphan at the age of five years, since her brother was then only
six.'
One error in the statement of M. Baron I may correct. It
appears from the marriage contract of M. and Mme. de Warens
that her father was already dead in 1713, and there is reason
to believe that he died shortly after the making of his will iu
1709. *
M. de Warens, while in England in 1728, dwelt in the house
of the pastor Barbor, at Brentwood, in Essex. After his return to
Lausanne, he received notice of his appointment as governor of
60 HISTOEIC STUDIES IN
His Serene Highness Prince Victor Lebrecht d'Anbalt Bem-
bourg-Hoymb.
With an affectionate and somewhat tantological recommen-
dation from the Burgomaster and Council of Lausanne (signed
by Secretan, uncle by marriage of George Dey verdun) M. de
Warens set out on August 21, 1729, and arrived at Maestricht
September 15. On the SOth he received at the Ch&teau of Ost
the commission of governor of Prince Victor, from the hands of
His Serene Highness the Landgrave Guillaume of Hesse-
Philipsthal, brother-in-law and tutor of the Prince, and colonel
of a regiment of cavalry in the service of Their High Mighti-
nesses the States Greneral, under the seal and signature of the
aforesaid Landgrave. By this act he was to receive two hundred
reichsthalers annually during his stay in Holland ; the first
quarter to begin September 1. He was provided with an
excellent table and lodgings, with fires, lights and washing, and
was served by the Prince's domestics, whom he might change
when he wished. He was to render every three months an
account of monies received and expended by him on behalf of
the Prince. After an interesting residence at Maestricht,
Utrecht, and the Hague, he resigned his post at the end of
November 1730, apparently finding his oflice not suflSciently
remunerative or important ; but he remained in Holland until
September 14, 1781, when he embarked for London. Three
months after his arrival there he received the following letter
from his brother-in-law, M. de Leys de Middes, dated at
Lausanne, December 17, 1781, in which he says :
* If this spring brings forth nothing, I flatter myself that
you will not insist further in searching for a fortune, since you
have one already made in your own country, having a sufficient
amount with which to live, if your voyages do not diminish
your funds too much. I hope, nevertheless, that having so
many excellent acquaintances as have been procured for you,
you may be able to find some proper post. I wish this with
all my heart.
' I am carrying on your affairs as well as it is possible for
me to do. I have been arranging to endeavour to pay all those
little articles of Vevey. When I sent you the last fifty mirlitonsi
I was obliged to borrow for six months four hundred florins,
VAUD. BERNE. AND SAVOY 61
which I will repay, and there will remain to me somethingy
hayine received from elsewhere some other little sums. If I
can get together a small amount, I will try to place it.
' I have passed, as I have already said, all the time in the
country. The Blancherie having fallen to my share, I endeavour
to make this property not only agreeable, but also profitable. I
have sown sainfoin, planted an infinity of trees, established two
hundred ioises of hedge, and repaired the house. You see, my
dear friend, that I have not been wanting in occupation, and if
it had not been for the cold which drove me out fifteen days ago,
I might still be there.
* My office also called me to town. We have received our
new bailifi*, who is very gracious. There was a great deal of
noise and fuss as usual — a quantity of repasts and balls. Finally,
everything was finished on Thursday, when we accompanied the
Treasurer to the sound of artillery. The bailifi*, who is broken
down by the gout (I suppose you know that it is M. le 66n6ral
Hocbrett), was obliged to remain in his sedan-chair during the
ceremony. He had with him, to relieve him, M. May, his son-
in-law, who is of the Two Hundred, with his wife, a very young
and amiable person.
* Your father enjoys, by the grace of God, excellent health.
D^Orzens is very well with him, which pleases us greatly. On
this account he finds himself in a very agreeable situation, and
that helps greatly his purse, which had great need of such
succour, the service having somewhat deranged his afiairs. I
trust with all my heart that this good understanding will con-
tinue.
' He told me that he would send me a note to put in the
package, but as the hour of the courier approaches, his illness
perhaps will prevent his vmting.
* My wife embraces you a thousand times, and her tenderness
engages her to pray you to put an end to your joumeyings, if
yon do not find a post sufficiently advantageous to place you in
a situation to have no longer need of anything. For as for
those places as governor at five sols, we should never think of
counselling you to accept them, and I am persuaded that it is
not your intention to put yourself in a false position.'
M. de Warens returned to Lausanne in June 1734, and
62 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
resided at first with his father in the Palnd, bat afterwards in
the Rue de Bourg, in the house of his relative de Leys de Bochat,
who was owner of the grounds of La Grotte and its tower ; and
who sixteen years afterwards purchased the remaining partially
burned walls and foundations of the old convent of St. Francis
called La Grotte, which he turned into the stately dwelling
where Dejrverdun and Gibbon subsequently resided. M. de
Warens was a member of the Grand Council as early as 1729.
He became superintendent of public works eight years later, and
High Forester in October 1744.
His father having died in 1740, his fortune was assured fit)m
that epoch, and he lived at ease until his death, at Lausanne,
in November 1754,' six months after his friend and relative de
Loys de Bochat died at La Grotte, and more than a year after
the arrival of Gibbon, who made his acquaintance through
Deyverdun.
CHAPTER XCVII
Having now before us the chief events in M. de Warens' life
and many new facts concerning his wife which explain various
things that have puzzled commentators, we may more fairly review
what was previously known of her, and follow her subsequent
history.
The following unpublished letter from Mme. de Warens to
M. Magny at Vevey, is dated at Annecy, August 18, 1726.
* Monsieur, — I have received from you so many favours that
I hope to obtain the one I am about to demand of you.
* As I have never supposed that it would be necessary to
declare who I am, I have never occupied myself with my descent.
To-day, I find myself under the necessity to declare that I am
noble, in order to satisfy His Majesty who desires to be
instructed upon this point. Do me therefore the favour, my
dear Sir, if you can, to send me a little rSsumS of my origin,
prepared in as advantageous a manner for me as possible. I
know well that my ancestors had little care for such things,
» Tlie de Logs archives, in possession of the Marquis de Loys-Chandicu
(MS*).
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 63
which I myself regard as follies. It is not vanity which indaces
me to make this demand : it is my necessity to have bread. As
I am at present in a country where this makes a great differ-
ence, spare no efforts, I pray you, to procure for me this
advantage, and above all guard, I pray you, this secret, as I do
not wish that the thing should be known before I can declare it
myself.
' I will not repeat what were the motives of my change. I
flatter myself that my mother has communicated my letter to
yon. M. St. Andr6 may have perceived my reasons. I do not
doubt that I owe my conversion to the good prayers which you
have put up on my behalf, with many other good Christian
Bouls. God grant me the grace to gather the fruits and enable
me to have still further occasion to prove to yon all my attach-
ment and my gratitude ; being, with respect, Monsieur/ &c.
This letter (which is signed F. L. de Warens, nSe de la
Tour) ia interesting irom the &ct that it confirms, so far as it
goes, views expressed in the husband's statements concerning
the influence of M. Magny on his wife.
In connection with Mme. de Warens^ flight to Evian and
her Bojoum there, as described by M. de Warens, we may cite
the remarks of some of her contemporaries resident in Savoy.
M. de Conzi6, in his notice of Mme. de Warens and Rousseau,
says:
* The following was her debut in Savoy, where I then was
in the suite of the late King Victor, who was drinking the
waters of Amphion at Evian.
* This Prince went to Mass in the parochial church accom-
panied simply by some seigniors of his court, among whom was
the late M. de Bemex, Bishop of Annecy. Scarcely had the
King entered the church, when Mme. de Warens seized the
prelate by his cassock, and threw herself at his feet, saying :
** In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum." The
Bishop stopped, and, aiding her to rise, talked five or six
minutes with this young penitent, who from thence went
directly to the lodgings of the prelate ; and as soon as the Mass
was finished he joined her there, and after a long conversation
with her returned to the court, without doubt to render an
account of the matter to the King.
64 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
* This impalsive act, as you may well believe, created a
Budden excitement in this little town; and from this moment
one party said that this was a Mi^dalen veritably repentant,
and the other (especially the Swiss who had come to Evian
partly to drink the waters and partly to see the King) con-
tended that this repentance was only simnlated, and that the
real motive of the flight of this baroness was the derangement
into which she had thrown the pecuniary affairs of her husband
by her inconsiderate prodigality — an example by no means the
first to be cited of young and amiable women who by their wit
and personal appearance know how to captivate their husbands
and to master them.
' Other Swiss arrived in a boat after dinner, but scarcely had
they disembarked when a rumour went throughout the town
that these new arrivals — relatives, it was said, of Mme. de
Warens — had come to carry her off.
* This report, although without foundation, received as I
believe some credit at court; for the following morning this
dame was sent away in a litter of the King, escorted by four
of his body-guard, who conducted her straight to Annecy,
accompanied by a lady of that town, to the first convent of the
Visitation, there to be instructed in our religion. This baroness
appeared to me at this time to be about twenty-four or twenty-
six years of age.
'From that period I lost sight of her on account of my
return to Piedmont, where I remained until 1733, when I
returned to Ghamb6ry to reside there. It was in the winter
of that same year that I had occasion to become intimately
acquainted with her ; for after her abjuration, when she left the
Visitation, she took a small house at Annecy, she being forced
to this, if I may so say, as she then only enjoyed 1,500 livres of
pension, which our King allowed her as a new convert; but
M. de Mazin, Bishop of Maurienne, having made her acquaint-
ance, allowed her an annual sum of 500 livres, and M. de Bemex
gave her as much more.
' Then this baroness, finding no doubt the town of Annecy
too small for the projects she had in view, came and established
herself at Chamb6ry — not in order to escape from the vigilance
of her pious instructors, for her conduct bad up to that time
VAUD, BBKNE, AND SAVOY 65
been entirely exempt from all snspicion, and safe from the
calumny which commonly pnrsiies new converts when they have
intellect and beanty.
* Apropos of her personal appearance, I will give yon here
a sketch of her. She was of the middle height ; but her figure
was not gracefhl, because she had too much emhonpoirUj which
rendered her shoulders round, and gave too much volume to her
alabaster neck ; but she easily led one to forget these defects by
her frank expression and her interesting gaiety. Her laugh
was charming, her complexion that of the rose and the lily, and
the vivacity of her eyes evinced the liveliness of her mind, and
gave an uncommon energy to all she said, without the slightest
air of pretension — quite the contrary, for all about her breathed
sincerity, amenity and benevolence — without displaying the
least suspicion of a wish to seduce by either her wit or her
beauty ; for she neglected this latter too much, without never-
theless affecting too great a contempt for outward charms, like
some pretended savants of her sex.'
In illostration of her religious uncertainties de Conzi6 relates
this anecdote :
* Conversing with her one day concerning her change of
religion and state, she asked me : " Would you believe itj
Day Mend, that after my abjuration I never went to bed for two
years at least, without, as the saying goes, having goose-flesh
over my whole body, on account of the perplexity into which
^y reflections plunged me concerning this change of religion,
which had made me throw off the prejudices of my education
and of my religion, and to abjure that of my fathers ? This
long uncertainty was terrible for me, for I have always thought
of a future eternally happy or eternally unhappy. This inde-
cision tortured me for a very long time. (Her expression
was : m'a bien longtemps bourraud6e.) But at present," she
continued, " my soul and my heart are tranquil, and my hopes
We reeved." '
^ speaking of Jean Jacques, he says : ^ I have always
condemned Jean Jacques (whom she [Mme. de Warens]
had honoured with the name of her adopted son)j in the first
place, for having preferred the interests of Le Vasseur to those
of a nuMtum as respectable for him in every sense as his washer-
VOL. n. . F
i
66 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
woman Le Vasseur was disgracefiil. He might well have laid
aside his pride, from time to time, and have worked to earn tbe
necessaries of life, so as to restore all or at least a part of what
he had cost his generous benefactress.' ^
In personaUy following [1879-80] the footsteps of Mme.
de Warens, in her famous retreat from her husband, at each
point I endeavoured to restore her surroundings, and to picture
the appearance of each place she visited at the time of her
sojourn there. This was difBcult in some cases, for there was
little information to be had on the spot except by examination
of old documents which had not been previously explored. I
have therefore preserved some of these sketches, as they contain
new information, and connect with them some records of places
whose history has not been continuously written.
When Mme. de Warens fled from Vevey to quaint Evian,
she found a very different town from the one which has since
thrown out its wings along the shores of the lake from Amphioa
to the Tour Bonde. It has now two principal streets. The
first borders the Leman, and is the direct communication of the
Simplon road, but stops abruptly at the Casino. The second,
the ^Orand'Rue,* is the connection between the eastern and
western portions of Napoleon's great route.
A stranger who now visits the capital of the stDl primitive
and kindly Pays de Gravot, the little country extending from
the Dranse to the Merge, should first approach it from the
lake in the summer season, when the shaded seats beside the
water invite to repose, and the cool walks on either hand woo
him to quiet wanderings and pleasing reveries.
Starting from the Port, he may mount the hill, and traverse
the Place of the Hdtel de Ville, through the main street, and
* M. de Oonzi6, Notice sur Mme, de Warens et J. J. Bouseeau, adreesU d
M. le Comte de MeUarAde ; Mhn. et Doe. de la SocUU Savoisienne d'Histoire, i.
Having seen what M. de Conzi6 had to say about Boasseaa, it may be interest-
ing to read Boussean's portrait of his critic :
' M. de Conzi6, a Savoyard nobleman, then young and amiable, had the
fancy to learn music, or to make the acquaintance of him who taught it.
With a mind and taste for accomplishments, M. de Gonzi6 had a gentleness of
character which rendered him very companionable, and I had the same feeling
myself for those in whom I found this spirit. Friendship was soon made.
The germ of literature and philosophy which had begun to ferment in my
head and only awaited a little culture and emulation to develop itself
thoroughly, was found in him.*
VAUD, BBBNE, AND SAVOY 67
ly emerge into the coimtry, in the direction of Thonon.
The first impression prodnced by this narrow and irregular
thoroughfare may not be favourable, but twenty-four hours' stay
will reconcile the lover of history to its manifest eccentricities.
He will accept them as the necessary and not disagreeable
features of a place whose name, of Boman origin, does not
do justice to its remote antiquity, but whose venerable story
is established by existing remains.
CHAPTER XCVin
At the time of Mme. de Warens* sojourn at Evian, there re-
mained in the Grand'Rue the ruins of the chAteau of Peter of
Savoy ; the convent of St. Claire near the church of St. Marie,
of which some years later Marie Ken6e Pompallier of Lyons was
abbess; the Town Gate next the present Post-Office; the chateau
of Grib&ldi, then occupied by the &mily of that name, now a
station for the gendarmerie, and whose gardens have become
the Place of the Hdtel de Ville ; the City Gate, at the east end
dthe town, near the monastery of the Cordeliers, at present the
convent of the nuns of St. Joseph (the district between these
two gates being called then as now la Touvi^re) ; the City
Gate, at the west end of the Grand'Rue towards Thonon, facing
the moat, vestiges of which are visible ; the Gate of Allinges in
the same quarter, but on the lake side, through which Mme.
de Warens passed on her departure ; and the chateau of Fon-
bonne, now the H6tel de Ponbonne, near the Port.
This last — ^ruined towards the end of the sixteenth century
by the French and Swiss — formerly a residence of the princes
of Savoy, had been granted to the Baron de Montfiaucon, who
sold it to de Leys, Baron de la Bathie, and it was the home
of Mme. de Leys de Bonnevaux, whither Mme. de Warens was
taken after her husband returned to Vevey. A pathway ran
here by the water's edge and passed at the foot of the gardens
of the houses (still standing), in one of which Mme. de Warens
was staying at the time of her husband's visit to her. (The
birth of Napoleon was then nearly fifty years away, and the idea
of the Simplon route which he inaugurated was unborn.)
F 2
68 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Walls and moats anciently enclosed the town. Hie moats^
beginning at the Gate of Allinges and mounting the hillside,
encompassed the ch&teaa of Peter of Savoy, passed behind the
walls of the fortified honses (still existing) of MM. Andrier,
Constantin, Laurent, and Brignet, and stretching along the
eastern wall, terminated at the Gate of Chavannes, east of the
actnal Port. The searches of MM. Lanrent and Brigaet in
their gardens have revealed traces of the moat, evidences of
whose existence appear also near the castle of Gribaldi. A
ditch defended the interior town, separating it on the east from
the boarg of la Tonvidre. This began at the moat on the south,
passed by a gate which existed next the Post-Office, and de-
scending along the line of the castle of Gribaldi, terminated
beneath the citadel near the ch&teaa of Fonbonne.
There were originally three citadels on the borders of the
lake. The remains of that near the present hospital existed
within the memoiy of persons now living, and I myself have
seen a part of the great wall which formed a portion of one at
the Gate of Allinges, destroyed by the French and Swiss, in
February 1591.'^^These allied forces invested Evian, b^rinning
on the side of la Touvidre, next the grange of M. Vehron, which
then formed a portion of the city wall. They partially destroyed
Peter's castle in the Grand'Rue, which was never repaired, and
the walls near the Gate of Allinges, with the three citadels.
It was these ruins, with all the rights of the seigniory of
Evian, which the princes of Savoy ceded to the Baron de Mont-
faucon, in exchange for a large sum.
It appears from Pr6vdt, that in 1237 Peter of Savoy built
at Evian a stronghold with four great towers. Pr6vdt assigns
that ruler's construction of castle Chillon to the following year,
althoughi,the date generally received is 1236. According to
this Gavotian chronicler, Peter also erected the castle and tower
of Peilz in 1288-9, and those of Martigny in 1241.
General orders for building^^the walls and fortifications of
Evian were given by Amadous V., September 80, 1322. The
family of Ch&tillon, in exchange for the privilege of creating at
Evian an octroi and a custom-house, carried on these worl» at
their own expense, and paid besides an annual sum of one
hundred Genevese livres. This ancient house is now extinct.
VAUD, B£RN£, AND SAYOY 69
It possessed the title of Baron of Larringes, which seigniory
was sold by a widow of the family to the Marquis d'AUinges*
Coadr^e.
One reads in Albania Beanmont the following :
*It appears tliat it was to Amadens Y., Connt of Savoy,
that Evian owed its enlargement. It is even known that this
prince contributed greatly to its embellishment, while at the
same time he gave celebrity to the waters of Amphion of which
he himself made use ; and he caused to be constracted a castle,
which he inhabited during the fine season ' — ^perhaps the castle
of Fonbonne, for Peter of Savoy's castle had been in existence
for nearly & century, as I have already shown, and as is indicated
in these lines from Pr^vdt : * The said seignior Prince Peter of
Savoy, having accomplished the conquest of the Yalaisaus,
departed and returned to the town of Evian, where, in the
following year, 1237, he caused to be built a fortress and castle
with four great and good towers, for the guard and security of
the said town and country, as much against the attacks and
ravages which may be enforced by the Valaisans, as by his other
enemies ; wherein he left a good and sure garrison of his people.
He then came to protect his surroundings at Chillon with a fine
and goodly company which his brother had given him, and,
moreover, as the aforesaid Chillon was a very agreeable, pleasant
and delectable place, and also very strong, and provided with
the necessary munitions, he took up his residence there, going
and coming however between the other fortresses of the aforesaid
Ghablais, and notably staying in that of his town of Evian,
where he greatly pleased and delighted himself, and thus dwelt
and governed peaceably the said country of Ghablais, until the
decease of Count Am6 his brother/
The chateau which Peter of Savoy had erected occupied
the site of the present H6tel de France and the gardens in
its rear. The eastern limit of the castle was probably the
existing circular tower, which (1880) is called after its pro-
prietor the Tour Billiod ; while the western limits were near the
building occupied by the * Brothers of the Christian Doctrine,'
the choir of whose diapel rests on the remains of another ancient
tower of the castle.
The Billiod Tower merits a visit. The upper part is smaller
70 mSTOEIC STUDIES IN
in circmnference than the lower, and the roof is supported hy
oolnmns. The view from this tower through the beautifiil
gardens beneath embraces to the west a blacksmith's shop
where recent excavations have brought to light a square tower.
From this height may be seen CsDsar's Mount, where the
peasants say Csdsar passed on his way to conquer GkiuL The
inhabitants of the village of Bemex (from which a noble family
drew its name) above the rocks of Csssar, are known under the
nickname of bruUtHxmpa^ in allusion to an incident of the battle
with the Vaudois under Amaud, referred to in a former chapter.
Near the ancient Gate of Allinges there is another round tower,
enclosed in the Maison Cachat, and covered with vines.
Count Amadous de Foras told me that he remembered other
remains of the ch&teau of Peter of Savoy twenty years before,
and particularly a beautiful gothic window of the thirteenth or
fourteenth century, then intact. M. Laurent recollects distinctly
the ditch which existed in his youth to the west of the old
castle. It began at the spot now occupied by the fountain and
the handsomely arranged reservoir, where sturdy Savoyard girls
daily wash the town linen. In the last century the de Saxel
mansion, now occupied by the Clarists, belonged to the
de Blonays, as did the site of the present Grand H6tel of Evian.
The Hotel de Yille as at present arranged dates back lees
than fifly years. In the early part of the last century it was
formed by what is now the tower and part of the house of the
late M. (3harles Laurent — one of the oldest in Evian — in which
was the staircase. One can still see in the salon of the Archives,
behind the paper cases, walled-up doors which once communi-
cated with the eastern part of the building. A few years before
Mme. de Warens' arrival, the town was decimated by the plague ;
and the municipality, needing money, sold that part which is
now included in the property of M. Laurent. The other portion
originally belonged to a well-known family.
Towards 1699, Miles. Grenat-Bellon generously gave this
building to the Benevolent Society, which established a hospital
there ; it continued until the French Revolution, but was then
neglected and finally abandoned. When order was re-established
the town took possession of the structure and added it to the one
it already possessed, which was the seat of the municipality.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 71
Some years ago an inhabitant of Evian discoyered in the
Aichiyes an act which proved that the Benevolent Society was
the true proprietor of this bnilding, and the town came to an
understanding with that institution, purchasing its rights over
this property for fourteen thousand francs.
The clock tower of the Hdtel de Ville attracts attention by
its elaborately ornamented grated windows, which closely re-
semble those of ancient dwellings in Bologna.
In the house of the late M. Laurent was incorporated
one of the twelve towers which formerly defended Evian. Its
summit is crowned with vines. On an upper floor of this tower
is the study of M. Laurent, containing a loophole in its original
proportions. Descending to a salon I examined a mass of docu-
ments relative to the history of the town and region — all
admirably arranged by M. Laurent. In 1824 he met near
his house Baron Henri de Blonay, who said to him, ' Do you
know that your house formed part of the Hotel de Ville, and
that it was sold after the terrible plague ? '
^ How did you learn this ? ' asked M. Laurent.
' The explanation is easy,' replied the Baron. ' When I
was syndic, I remarked that people were constantly going to
the municipal Archives, and that they invariably carried away
papers. I resolved to put a stop to this. In consequence, I
had them all transferred to my house, where I could make a
minute examination of them. It was thus that I found the fact
I have mentioned.'
From that time, M. Laurent often thought of these
registers, and eventually spoke on the subject to the late Boron
Ennemond de Blonay, telling him that it was desirable that these
manuscripts should be placed where they could be easily con-
sulted. After the latter's death, M. Laurent spoke to M.
Andrier, aid to the Mayor, about the papers, and was requested
to search for them. The town of Evian having become
the heir of M. de Blonay, M. Laurent betook himself to the
de Blonay archives, and found the original franchises accorded
to Evian by Count Peter of Savoy in 1265, as well as those
given by the princes who succeeded him.
M. Laurent spent much time in the arrangement of these
rare manuscripts, and found among them all the documents
72 mSTORIG STUDIES IN
which describe the visits of the Bishops of 6eneya to the
church of Evian, giving exact descriptions of each church and
chapel within their jurisdiction. Here also is everything
relating to the hospital and other charitable institutions, and
accounts of the sojourn at Evian of princes of the house of
Savoy, who for many years in the last century came to take the
famous waters of Amphion.
CHAPTER XCIX
The chAteau of Gribaldi was erected, tradition says, on the
ruins of a convent, by Mgr. Vespasian de Gribaldi, named
archbishop of Vienne in Dauphiny, in 1569.
He was bom in the district of la Touvidre at Evian, whither
his parents had come from Chieri in Piedmont. Seeing the
troubles that the new Calvinistio reform caused in his diocese,
and that his zeal could do no good for his church, he resigned
his archbishopric to Peter HI. of Yillars, and retired to his
own country. He was one of the consecrators of St.. Francis
de Sales in 1602, and died at his ch&teau in Evian in 1608.
In examining this ch&teau from the H6tel de Yille, one
remarks that it resembles the former residence of Mme. de
Warens at the Bassets, being constructed like a telescope. It
was originally composed of four sections. The largest and most
ancient part (now occupied by the gendarmerie) was then
nearest the lake. Here in the last generation were still seen
portraits of several of the Dukes of Savoy.
There existed here in Mme. de Warens' time, and also in
Gibbon's, a theatre on the first floor constructed for the amuse-
ment of the Princes of Savoy. The three other parts diminish
in size and height, and finally the fourth and last is the small
house on the Grand'Rue now used for the Post-Office. This
is much more modem than the others, and occupies a part of
the ancient castle garden, the rest being occupied by the Place.
The rivulet La Gruz, south-east of the castle, passes now
under the bridge of the Grand'Bue at the spot where existed
one of the city gates. This watercourse formerly fed the moats
in that neighbourhood.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 78
In that port of the castle occupied (1880) by M. Donnet,
one notices above the fire-place in the kitchen, a fresco of the
Gribaldi arms : Or, d la croia en sautovr aruyrie dHazur ; with
tliis device : Plus penser que dire pour parvenir ; also the date
1671. The crest is a demi-seignior coiffed with red hat and
golden plumes, and adorned with a red robe, the right arm
holding a cross with anchor points, the cu& ornamented with
ermine. This brilliant personage issaes from the coronet of a
Marquis. The shield, which bears a cross saltier-wise ancr6e^
is supported by two griffins langues en dard.
The Gribaldis were allied to the de Broglies of France,
and to the Counts Ldsio of Piedmont, and in the early part of
this century this traditional relationship led the famous Count
Lisio, who had been aide-de-camp to Charles Albert, to protect
and posh forward a young member of the family.
The 6ruz, which sweeps the side of the castle, turns the
wheel of a mill, opposite which, in the street of the Port, is a
cnrions ogival window in an ancient building formerly belong-
"ig to the Marquis d'Allinges-Coudr6e.
The beautiful and shaded promenade along the lake between
the landing and the Casino, was not in existence in the last
generation. The waters of the lake then swept up nearly to
the walls of the gardens.
The ancient castle of Grillie, now the Casino, belonged for
two centuries to the de Blonays, and became the property of
the town through the will of the late Baron Ennemond de
Blonay, who died in 1878. He had inherited Grillie from his
paternal uncle, and it was inhabited by the family until 1876.
The castle has been repaired and extended, and its ancient
square tower seems to look loftily and condescendingly down
on the new part, which contains the theatre. The chateau
occupies a fine site on the lake at the end of the public espla-
nade, and its gardens ran down to the water. The ample and
lofty rooms have ceilings decorated in the style of the Renais-
sance. St, Francis de Sales retired hither at one period of his
Ufe.
The voluminons and precious archives of the de Blonay
family, already referred to, are mostly stored in the old muni-
ment room in the upper part of the main tower. When the
74 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
French invaded Savoy in 1792, many of these documents were
enclosed in a great walnnt case and sent to Berne to M.
Bentheli, of the Abbey of Arquebnsiers. The latter dying
some years afterwards, this great coffer, the ownership of which
was unknown, was deposited in the garrets of the abattoir.
Some butcher's apprentices broke it open, and the master
butcher found the old parchments scattered about the floor.
He reported this to his mistress, who had the coffer and papers
transported to the Abbey of Butchers. During the Government
of Mediation, the advoyer de Mulinen, having learned the fact,
ordered the coffer to be brought to his house. He examined it
a few years later, and made copies of the numerous acts found
therein; and then wrote through the Sardinian minister to
Baron Louis de Blonay, at Turin, to inform him that these
papers were in his hands, and at the disposal of their owners,
who appeared to have forgotten them.
Out of this arose a correspondence between the two, at the
end of which these papers, containing a thousand original acts,
were given to the Chevalier Courtois de I'Arcallidre, who sent
them to Baron de Blonay, Count de Mulinen being allowed to
retain the volume of copies, which his grandson still possesses.
In the course of the correspondence, in a letter to Count de
Mulinen, June 20, 1820, Baron E. de Blonay said :
' How can I sufficiently thank you for all the details you
have been good enough to give me concerning the origin of the
de Blonays, and for the care you have taken in preserving the
interesting title-deeds and acts, which, without you. Monsieur
le Comte, would no longer exist ? In response to the request
that you have made that you may be allowed to retain posses-
sion of the copies of the originals which are hereto annexed, it
is so just and so reasonable a desire, that I consider it both a
duty and a pleasure to comply with your wishes. This is
particularly advantageous for me, for it will give you another
reason for interesting yourself in my family, and at some future
time, should the originals be lost, it may be possible to supply
their places by the copies in your possession.* *
I place these facts on record, as there appears to be some
» Document in the possession of Count de Mulinen at Berne, examined by
the aathor.
VAUD. BEENE, AM) SAVOY 76
fear that certam docnments of the important original collec-
tion have again disappeared.
The fief and stronghold of Grillie, in 1474, were in the pos-
session of Noble Louis de Bonivard (of the family of the famous
Prisoner of Chillon), who as early as 1441 had been invested,
with his brother Pierre, with the castle, jurisdiction and fief of
the Deserts, and became alone their seignior in 1447. Louis
purchased in 1495 the seigniory of Orillie in the Pays de Oex,
of Gaston de Foiz, count of Longueville, and it was probably at
this time that he assumed the de Grillie arms : Or, dla cravx de
iahUj (Acurgie de oinq coquiUee d'a/rgent, which his descendants
continued to bear. He was equerry and cup-bearer to duke
Philip of Burgundy, having previously been equerry and maitre-
dlidtel to the duke of Savoy.
Three of his brothers were, like himself, actively engaged in
the affidrs of their time. They were Urban, bishop of Verceil ;
Pierre, seignior of La Barre ; and Francois, seignior of Lompnes
(pronounced Lunes), the grandfather of Francois Bonivard of
Chillon.
Louis' son, Charles de Bonivard, was lord and master of
Grillie at Evian in 1498.
I have already mentioned Aymon, who figured among the
fifteen knights of the Order of the Collar at its creation in
1362.
If we may believe some authorities, a terrible fate overtook
another member of this house, one hundred years earlier.
Jacques de Bonivard was the secretary and favourite of Count
Thomas of Savoy, and in virtue of a bull of Pope Innocent IV.
he expelled with violence the monks of the priory of St. Andr6
in 1248 ; and while the latter betook themselves to Notre Dame
of Myans, and placed their * sad fate with prayers before the
glorious Virgin,' Bonivard gave a banquet at the priory to his
relatives, and to the principal inhabitants of St. Andr6. In the
midst of the feast, *by the ministry of the devils,' Mount
Grenier fell upon them, engulfing the priory, the village of
St. Andr6 and sixteen other villages, including five thousand
inhabitants.'
* Annoridl et Nobiliaire de VAneien Duchi de Savoie, par le Gomte de
Foiaa. Qrillic is also spelt GriUy and Orailly.
74
HISTOBIC STUDIES 1
French invaded Savoy in 1792, many of i
enclosed in a great walnnt case and s
Bentheli, of the Abbey of Arquebnsiers.
some years afterwards, this great coffer, the
was unknown, was deposited in the garr-
Some butcher's apprentices broke it ope
butcher found the old parchments scatterc
He reported this to his mistress, who had th<
transported to the Abbey of Butchers. Durini
of Mediation, the advoyer de Mulinen, having
ordered the coffer to be brought to his house,
a few years later, and made copies of the num
therein; and then wrote through the Sardini
Baron Louis de Blonay, at Turin, to inform L
papers were in his hands, and at the disposal of
who appeared to have forgotten them.
Out of this arose a correspondence between tb<
end of which these papers, containing a thousand <
were given to the Chevalier Courtois de TArcalli^i
them to Baron de Blonay, Count de Mulinen being
retain the volume of copies, which his grandson still
In the course of the correspondence, in a letter t
Mulinen, June 20, 1820, Baron E. de Blonay said :
' How can I sufficiently thank you for all the d
have been good enough to give me concerning the ori^
de Blonays, and for the care you have taken in prese
interesting title-deeds and acts, which, without you, I
le Comte, would no longer exist ? In response to the
that you have made that you may be allowed to retain
sion of the copies of the originals which are hereto ann<
is so just and so reasonable a desire, that I consider it
duty and a pleasure to comply with your wishes, 's
particularly advantageous for me, for it will give you a^
reason for interesting yourself in my family, and at some i
time, should the originals be lost, it may be possible to si
their places by the copies in your possession.' '
I place these facts on record, as there appears to be b
• Document in the possession of Count de Mulinen at Berne, examina*
the author. * ^
• •
4-:^
'-^ : X
c
i -.-- -^
■i^-*i*
^■^ ' '^*'
c---'*
c^-
78 mSTORIC STUDIES IN
height, but with a slight and graoefiil figure. His deportment
free and prond, his physiognomy animated, his features aquiUne,
with golden blond hair and eyes of a particular blue, and of
extreme vivacity, he resembled the House of Nemours. He was
sober and simple in his habits. His temperament, naturally
delicate, had been so fortified by exercise, that excesses of
fatigue or of work never injured him. His most eminent
qualities were penetration, boldness, diligence and courage.
He passed for a skilful politician and an excellent administrator
rather than a famous general, never having diatingaiBhed him-
self in war except by his personal valour, circumstances having
given him as alUes or as adversaries men so superior from this
point of view that he was not remarked in their company.'
The Marquis adds the following from Blondel concerning
Amadous :
^ He was most simple in his dress. I never saw him, during
seven years, winter or summer, except in the same costume of
cofiee-coloured cloth, without gold or silver ornaments, and
with great double-soled shoes, cloth stockings in winter and
thread ones in summer, never any lace, strong shirts of linen of
Guibelle, lined with cambric, pretending that they were the
only ones suitable to health. His sword was of rusty steel,
garnished with leather along the handle in order not to wear
out the bottom of the coat. His cane was a Malacca stick with
a head made from the wood of the cocoa-nut tree, and his snuff-
box was in tortoise-shell with an ivory rim. He displayed no
magnificence except in his wig and hat, and as he was very
fond of walking he had^ besides, a surtout of blue cloth like a
frock coat, which he put on when it rained. He made a show
of this simplicity, and joked his son, who on the contrary was
rather fond of magnificent furniture, costumes, lace and
diamonds. King Victor wore the same robe de chambre winter
and summer. It was of green tafieta, lined with white bear-
skin. In the winter the bearskin was outside, in the summer
it was inside.' '
In concluding my notice of the de Blonay ch&teau at Evian,
it may be worth while to quote from two unpublished historical
1 M4moire8 Hiatoriques sur la Maison Bqyale de Savoie, par le Marquis
CoBta de Beauregard, ill.
VAUB, BERNE, AND SAVOY 79
notes winch I foand in the de Blonay archives, concerning the
effect of the French Bevolntion on that house.
*In 1792, the French invaded Savoy. Messire Michel
Francois Philippe de Blonay, universal heir of all the estates
and property left by Messire Francois de Blonay, his father,
was in Piedmont, where he occupied an honourable post in the
army of His Majesty, and near the person of H.B.H. the Prince
of Piedmont. We are ignorant of the true motives which led
him in these critical circumstances to ask for leave of absence
to return to his country ; but it is certain that he made a great
mistake, of which all his relatives and creditors were the
yictims. Obliged, in order to save his head, to expatriate
himself in 1793 — that is to say, six months after his return from
Piedmont — ^he experienced various vicissitudes up to the moment
when peace was concluded between Greneral Bonaparte, com-
manding the armies of the Directory, and His Majesty the Eling
of Sardinia, who found himself obliged to cede the county of
Nice and Savoy, the cradle of his &mily. The king took good
care to stipulate in the treaty clauses favourable to his subjects,
but the bad faith and astuteness of the French ministers gave
to these articles the sense they desired, by torturing the real
value of the words, and rendered useless the good-will of a
father stipulating for his children. It was thus that, without
regard to the justice and merit of their cause, the military men,
nobles, and priests of Savoy saw their properties sold ; and it
was then that those of M. de Blonay became the prey of the
aforesaid partisans. Mme. de Blonay, his mother, and his
brothers and sisters, who were truly privileged creditors, and
might therefore hope to see their rights covered, were equally
deprived, and their claims to indemnity annulled.
^Things remained in this state xmtil 1800, the epoch of the
famous battle of Marengo, which consolidated Bonaparte's power
at the very moment when all the world expected to see it de-
stroyed. He then appeared to turn himself towards justice and
moderation ; his first steps inspired confidence, and many de-
mands for restitution having been admitted, M. Louis de Blonay
hazarded taking certain steps before the Prefect of the Leman,
whose jurisdiction included Chablais and Faucigny, to obtain
the release of properties not sold. He acted as attorney for all.
80 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Henri, the only one of his brothers who had received nothing
from his family estate, obtained by his care some properties
which remained unsold, in 1801. Among these properties may.
be counted the paternal mansion called the tower and fortified
house of Grillie with its dependencies. It was saved from the
wreck because the municipality, the registry and administration
of public domains, the justices of the peace, the committee of
public safety, &c., established their different bureaux there. It
was the only building that remained to the family in Evian.' ^
M. de St. Genis (^ Histoire de Savoie') relates an episode which
illustrates the regard in which the de Blonays were held by the
people of the Pays de Gavot. It was announced throughout
the district of Thonon that a sale would take place at public
auction of the large de Blonay estates which had been seized.
M. de Blonay, tired of exile, determined to assist at his ruin
even at the peril of his life. In the disguise of a Vaudois boat-
man he betook himself to the hall of the Council, and at the first
bid braved all, and named an absurd figure which lowered the
price already offered nine-tenths. The astonished multitude at
once surrounded the unknown bidder and recognised their former
seignior. His courage and the remembrances of the benefits
showered on the country by his family assured him the instant
complicity of the crowd. No one bid in opposition. The
municipal officer hesitated for a moment. The attitude of the
assembly however restored his confidence, and he adjudged suc-
cessively the lots, under the pressure of popular sentiment and
under the security of the peasants of Evian, who then joyously
drew M. de Blonay into the mountains, whence he regained the
Valais.*
CHAPTER CI
The following memoir by Rousseau concerning the conversion
of Mme. de Warens, was handed by him, April 19, 1742, to
M. Antoine Boudet, who was then engaged on his * Life of M. de
Bemex, Bishop of Geneva ' :
* Documents from tha de Blonay archives (MSS.).
* Victor de St. Oenia: Histoire de SavoicAiL 170.
VAXJD, BERNE. AND SAVOY 81
' As it is the intention to omit none of the considerable facts
in ihe history of M. de Bemez^ which may serre to place his
Christian virtues in their tme light, the conreraion of the
Baroness de Warens de la Tour most not be foi^tten, for it
was the work of this prelate.
' In the month of Jnly 1726, the King of Sardinia being at
Evian, many persons of distinction in the Pays de Vand went
thither to see the conrt. Madame de Warens was of the number,
and this dame, whom a pure motive of cariosity had drawn
thither, was retained by motives of a superior character, which
were not the less enduring for having been unforeseen.
' Having been present by chance at one of the discourses
wMch this prelate pronounced with that zeal and unction which
carried the glow of charity into all hearts, Mme. de Warens was
80 moved that this instant may be regarded as the epoch of her
conversion. The thing however must have appeared all the
more difficult, as this dame, being very enlightened, steeled her-
self against the seductionB of eloquence, and was not disposed to
yield without being fully convinced.
' But when one has a religious spirit and a good heart, what
can be wanting to make him appreciate the truth except the
aid of divine grace ; and was not M. de Bemex accustomed to
plant it in the most hardened hearts ? Mme. de Warens saw
the prelate. Her prejudices were destroyed, her doubts dissi-
pated, and penetrated by the great truths announced she deter*
mined to give herself up to faith by a striking sacrifice, the price
of the light which had just descended upon her.
* The rumour of the design of Mme. de Warens was not long
in spreading throughout the Pays de Vaud. There was mourn-
ing and universal alarm. This dame was adored there, and the
love ihey had had for her was changed into fury against those
who were called her seducers and ravishers. The inhabitants of
Vevey talked of nothing less than burning Evian, and carrying
her off by main force, even from the midst of the court. This
insane project, the usual fruit of fanatical zeal, came to the
ears of His Majesty, and it was on this account that he addressed
to U. de Bemex the glorious reproach, that he made *' very noisy
conversions." The king immediately sent away Mme. de Warens
to Annecy escorted by forty of his guards. It was there that,
VOL. II. a
72 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
which describe the vifiits of the Bishops of Geneva to the
church of Evian, giving exact deecriptionB of each chnrch and
chapel within their jurisdiction. Here also is everything
relating to the hospital and other charitable institutions, and
accounts of the sojourn at Evian of princes of the house of
Savoy, who for many years in the last century came to take the
famous waters of Amphion.
CHAPTER XOIX
Thk chAteau of Gribaldi was erected, tradition says, on the
ruins of a convent, by Mgr. Vespasian de Gribaldi, named
archbishop of Yienne in Dauphiny, in 1569.
He was bom in the district of la Touvidre at Evian, whither
his parents had come from Chieri in Piedmont. Seeing the
troubles that the new Calvinistic reform caused in his diocese,
and that his zeal could do no good for his church, he resigned
his archbishopric to Peter III. of Villars, and retired to his
own country. He was one of the consecrators of St.. Francis
de Sales in 1602, and died at his chAteau in Evian in 1608.
In examining this ch&teau from the H6tel de Ville, one
remarks that it resembles the former residence of Mme. de
Warens at the Bassets, being constructed like a telescope. It
was originally composed of four sections. The largest and most
ancient part (now occupied by the gendarmerie) was then
nearest the lake. Here in the last generation were still seen
portraits of several of the Dukes of Savoy.
There existed here in Mme. de Warens' time, and also in
Gibbon's, a theatre on the first floor constructed for the amuse-
ment of the Princes of Savoy. The three other parts diminish
in size and height, and finally the fourth and last is the small
house on the Grand'Rue now used for the Post-Office. This
is much more modem than the others, and occupies a part of
the ancient castle garden, the rest being occupied by the Place.
The rivulet La Gruz, south-east of the castle, passes now
under the bridge of the Grand'Rue at the spot where existed
one of the city gates. This watercourse formerly fed the moate
in that neighbourhood.
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 78
In tliat part of the castle occupied (1880) by M. Donnet,
one notices above the fire-place in the kitchen, a fresco of the
Gribaldi arms: Or^ d la croix en sa/utoir ancrie ^azur; with
this device : Plus penser que dire pour parvenir ; also the date
1671. The crest is a demi-seignior coiffed with red hat and
golden plumes, and adorned with a red robe, the right arm
holding a cross with anchor points, the cufb ornamented with
ermine. This brilliant personage issues from the coronet of a
Marquis. The shield, which bears a cross saltier-wise ancrie,
is supported by two griffins Icmgues en dard.
The Gribaldis were allied to the de Broglies of France,
and to the Counts Idsio of Piedmont, and in the early part of
this century this traditional relationship led the famous Count
Lisio, who had been aide-de-camp to Charles Albert, to protect
and push forward a young member of the family.
The Grnz, which sweeps the side of the castle, turns the
wheel of a mUl, opposite which, in the street of the Port, is a
curious ogival window in an ancient building formerly belong-
ing to the Marquis d'Allinges-Coudr6e.
The beautiful and shaded promenade along the lake between
the landing and the Casino, was not in existence in the last
generation. The waters of the lake then swept up nearly to
the walls of the gardens.
The ancient castle of Grillie, now the Casino, belonged for
two centuries to the de Blonays, and became the property of
the town through the will of the late Baron Ennemond de
Blonay, who died in 1878. He had inherited Grillie from his
paternal uncle, and it was inhabited by the family until 1876.
The castle has been repaired and extended, and its ancient
square tower seems to look loftily and condescendingly down
on the new part, which contains the theatre. The ch4teau
occupies a fine site on the lake at the end of the public espla-
nade, and its gardens run down to the water. The ample and
lofty rooms have ceilings decorated in the style of the Renais-
sance. St. Francis de Sales retired hither at one period of his
Ufe.
The volaniinous and precious archives of the de Blonay
family, already referred to, are mostly stored in the old muni-
ment room in the upper part of the main tower. When the
74 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
French invaded Savoy in 1792, many of these documents were
enclosed in a great wahiut case and sent to Berne to M.
Bentheli, of the Abbey of Arquebnsiers. The latter dying
some years afterwards, this great coffer, the ownership of which
was unknown, was deposited in the garrets of the abattoir.
Some butcher's apprentices broke it open, and the master
butcher found the old parchments scattered about the floor.
He reported this to his mistress, who had the coffer and papers
transported to the Abbey of Butchers. During the Government
of Mediation, the advoyer de Mulinen, having learned the fact,
ordered the coffer to be brought to his house. He examined it
a few years later, and made copies of the numerous acts found
therein; and then wrote through the Sardinian mimster to
Baron Louis de Blonay, at Turin, to inform him that these
papers were in his hands, and at the disposal of their owners,
who appeared to have forgotten them.
Out of this arose a correspondence between the two, at the
end of which these papers, containing a thousand original acts,
were given to the Chevalier Courtois de I'Arcallidre, who sent
them to Baron de Blonay, Count de Mulinen being allowed to
retain the volume of copies, which his grandson still possesses.
In the course of the correspondence, in a letter to Count de
Mulinen, June 20, 1820, Baron E. de Blonay said :
' How can I sufficiently thank you for all the details you
have been good enough to give me concerning the origin of the
de Blonays, and for the care you have taken in preserving the
interesting title-deeds and acts, which, without you, Monsieur
le Comte, would no longer exist ? In response to the request
that you have made that you may be allowed to retain posses-
sion of the copies of the originals which are hereto annexed, it
is so just and so reasonable a desire, that I consider it both a
duty and a pleasure to comply with your wishes. This is
particularly advantageous for me, for it will give you another
reason for interesting yourself in my femily, and at some future
time, should the originals be lost, it may be possible to supply
their places by the copies in your possession.' *
I place these facts on record, as there appears to be some
' Document in the possession of Count de Mulinen at Berne, examined by
the author.
VAUD, BEENE, AM) SAVOY 75
fear thafc certain docnxnents of the important original collec-
tion have again disappeared.
The fief and stronghold of Orillie, in 1474, were in the pos-
session of Noble Louis de Bonivard (of the family of the famous
Prisoner of Chillon), who as early as 1441 had been invested,
with his brother Pierre, with the castle, jurisdiction and fief of
the Deserts, and became alone their seignior in 1447. Louis
purchased in 1495 the seigniory of Orillie in the Pays de Gex,
of Gaston de Foiz, count of Longueville, and it was probably at
this time that he assumed the de Orillie arms : Or, dla croix de
uMe, ehargie de cinq coquiUes d'argeTU^ which his descendants
oontinned to bear. He was eqnerry and cup-bearer to duke
Philip of Burgundy, having previously been equerry and maitre-
dlidtel to the duke of Savoy.
Three of his brothers were, like himself, actively engaged in
the affidrs of their time. They were Urban, bishop of Verceil ;
Pierre, seignior of La Barre ; and Francois, seignior of Lompnes
(pronounced Lunes), the grandfather of Francois Bonivard of
Chillon.
Louis' son, Charles de Bonivard, was lord and master of
Grillie at Evian in 1498.
I have already mentioned Aymon, who figured among the
fifteen knights of the Order of the Collar at its creation in
1362.
If we may believe some authorities, a terrible fate overtook
another member of this house, one hundred years earlier.
Jacques de Bonivard was the secretary and favourite of Count
Thomas of Savoy, and in virtue of a bull of Pope Innocent IV.
he expelled with violence the monks of the priory of St. Andr6
in 1248 ; and while the latter betook themselves to Notre Dame
of Myans, and placed their ' sad fate with prayers before the
glorious Virgin,' Bonivard gave a banquet at the priory to his
relative, and to the principal inhabitants of St. Andr6. In the
midst of the feast, *by the ministry of the devils,' Mount
Grenier fell npon them, engulfing the priory, the village of
St. Andr6 and sixteen other villages, including five thousand
inhabitants.'
' Armorial et Nohiliam de VAncien Duchi de Savoie^ par le Ck>mie de
Fozas. Grillie is also spelt Grilly and Grailly.
86 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Mme. de 'Warens, painted at the request of the Bishop de
Bemex, bat this has disappeared.^
The portrait mentioned by M. Houssaye and attributed to
Pacini, resembles an idealised copy of that in Doppet's book,
attributed to Batoni. It is probable that the former was an
ideal portrait painted at the moment when Rousseau's ^ Confes-
sions' rendered her famous, at least twenty years after her
death.
I noticed at the Charmettes, near Chambdxy, her former
residence, two photographs of Mme. de Warens — one taken from
the Lausanne picture, and the other inscribed as follows:
' Portrait of Madame de Warens by Largillidre. The original
is at Boston, United States of America, in the possession of
Mr. S. H. Russell, 135 Beacon Street; photographed by H. D.
Smith, Studio Buildings, Boston.'
This alleged representation of her does not resemble the
Lausanne portrait in this work ; her hair is dressed in a different
manner, and covers the temples, while the neck is longer, and
the bust and figure thinner, indicating a tall and slight person.
K this was intended to represent Rousseau's friend it was
doubtless a fancy sketch.
M. Houssaye had the advantage of knowing intimately
Mme. de Corrancez, the daughter-in-law of Corrancez, one of
the last friends of Rousseau, who had published an annotated
edition of the ' Confessions.' Mme. de Corrancez inhabited a
small chfiteau at Asnidres, whither M. Houssaye often went to
converse with her concerning the eighteenth century, and to
consult her rare and curious library. She had lived upon more
* ' M. de Bemex,' gays a oorrespondeni of the IntemUdiaire des Chefth&un
November 10, 1881, * had four siBters, and left xnan^ nephews and nieces. It
is not known into whose hands this anthentio portrait of Mme. de Warens has
passed. Perhaps it is the same which is mentioned in a document that M.
Jules Vuy communicated to me^Extraet from the Inventory of the Cotwent cf
the Visitation of Annecy^ folio 80, June 12, 1798 : " We, the aforesaid commis-
sioners, assisted by the same that are mentioned in our preceding minute, have
visited the great haU of the infirmary, where the effects mentioned in ^e said
inventory were presented to us, with the exception of a picture representing
the benefactress of Jean Jacques^ which has been handed to the citizen H^raalt
de Stehelles, representative of the French people." *
The Bishop no doubt bequeathed this portrait of his convert to the convent
where she entered on her new religious career. H6rault de S^chelles came to
Savoy in December 1792, as one of four conmiissioners sent by the Convention
to organise the new department of Mont Blanc ; he died on the scaffold April 5,
1794. There is little doubt that he took the portrait with him to Paris.
VAUD, BEBNE. AND SAVOY 87
or less intimate terms with Mme. d'Epinay, Mile, de TEspinasse,
Mme. d'Houdetot, Queen Marie Antoinette, the Duchess de
Polignac, Mmes. Tallien and B^camier, not to mention those
princesses of comedy, la Guimard and la Glairon. One day she
handed to M. Houssaye a copy of the ' Confessions ' filled with
her father-in-law's notes saying, ^ He did not contradict
Boasseau, bat he dotted his i's like all annotators, and you may
find in hia pages something worthy of notice/
One of the earliest notes of M. Corrancez states that it was
above all by her sweetness — ^the sweetness of an angel — that
Mme. de Warens conquered Boasseau. It was he who said
that the first virtue of a woman is gentleness.^
It is evident from Gorrancez's notes that Boasseau posed as
the lover of his benefactress, and made assertions to this efiect
to Corrancez before the ^ Confessions ' saw the light.
Referring to her husband's statement about her desire to
possees Bayle's Dictionary, we find a confirmation of the fact
in Rousseau's saying that ' she spoke continually of Bayle, and
made much of St. Evremond, who had long ceased to influence
France ; though this did not prevent her knowing thoroughly
good literature, concerning which she conversed with much
esprit,
Corrancez adds that it was Mme. de Warens, and not
Rousseau, who said that ' books only enable us to talk of that
which we do not know ourselves.'
CHAPTEB CII
AoGORDmo to Bousseau, in his ' Confessions,' be was confided
to Mme. de Warens by M. de Pontverre, in 1728, his sixteenth
year, and first met her on her way to church, on Palm Sunday.
His portrait of her is memorable :
* I ought to remember the spot. I have often wet it with
my tears and covered it with my kisses. If I could only sur-
1 Becalling M. de Warens' words as to the famous box of silver, we note
Bonaeeaa's atatement that she had few pieces of silver and no porcelain. The
discrepancy between the three accounts as to the number of Mme. de Warens'
escort to jCnnecy is also worthy of remark.
88 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
round with a balustrade of gold this happy place ! If I ooold
only draw to it the homages of all the earth ! Whoever loses
to honour the monuments of human salvation ought only to
approach it on his knees.
' It was in a passage behind her house, between a rivulet on
the right, which separated it from a garden, and the wall of a
court to the left, leading by a private gate to the church of the
Cordeliers. About to enter this gate, Mme. de Warens turned
on hearing my voice. I had imagined an old and extremely
soured devotee. The *^ good lady " of M. de Fontverre could
be nothing else, according to my idea. I saw a face filled with
grace, blue eyes full of sweetness, a delicious complexion, and
the throat of an enchantress. Nothing escaped the rapid
glance of the young proselyte, for I became at once hers, feeling
sure that a religion preached by such missionaries could not &il
to lead to paradise.
'The letter which I present with a trembling hand she
receives with a smile, opens it, glances over that of M. de
Pontverre, returns to mine which she reads throughout, and
which she would have re-read if her lackey had not informed
her that it was time to enter the church.
' '' Ah ! my child," she said to me, in tones which thrilled
me, ^^ you are very young to be running about the country.
It is in truth a pity."
' Then, without giving me a chance to reply :
"'Go to my house. Await me there, and tell them to give
you breakfast. After Mass, I will talk with you." '
After telling something of her antecedents, he says the
king sent her to Annecy because he was thought to be in love
with her, and continues :
'She had been there six [two] years when I came. She
was then twenty-eight, having been bom with the centuiy.
She had that kind of beauty which lasts, because it is more in
the expression than in the features ; and hers was still in its
first freshness. She had a caressing and tender air, a veiy
sweet look, an angelic smile, a mouth about the size of mine,
hair cendrS, of uncommon beauty, to which she gave a negligent
turn that rendered it very attractive. She was small in stature,
even short, and a little stout for her height, although without
VAUD, BEKNB, Al^D SAVOY 89
defcnnity ; bnt it was impoesible to find a more beautiful head,
a more exquisite bosom, or more beautiful hands and arms.
* Her education had been extremely varied. She had like
nygelf lost her mother at her birth, and, receiving indifferently
the lessons as they came, had learnt a little bom her governess,
a little from her father, a little from her masters, and much
from her lovers — especially from a M. de Tavel, who, having a
tasto for pretty acoomplidmients, communicated them to the
pereon he loved. But so many different kinds of accomplish-
ment impeded one another, and the little order which she intro-
duced into her various studies prevented her natural intelligence
bom profiting by them.
* For instance, although she had some principles of philo-
sophy and physics, she imbibed the taste which her father had
for quack medicines, and for alchemy. She made elixirs, dyes,
balsams, and potions. She pretended even to be the possessor
of certain secrets. Charlatans, profiting by her weakness, laid
hold of her, ruled and ruined her, and consumed amid furnaces
and drugs the mind, talents and charms which might have
niade her the delight of the best centres of society.
' But if some vile, worthless people thus took advantage of
her badly directed education to obscure her reason, her excellent
heart was beyond their reach, and remained always the same.
Her lovbg and sweet character, her feeling for the unhappy,
her inexhaustible goodness, her gay, frank, open humour never
<^ged, and even at the approach of age, amid indigence,
illness and divers calamities, the serenity of her beautiful soul
pi'eaerred to the end of life all the gaiety of its choicest days.
Her errors grew out of an inexhaustible fund of activity which
^as at the bottom of her character, and which desired occu-
pation without rest.
' She did not need to indulge in the intrigues of women, but
deored to originate and to direct enterprises and under-
^^^Ohffi, She was bom for great things. If Mme. de Longu^
^d bad been in her place, she would have been only a trouble-
^me meddler. If she had occupied the place of Mme. de
-'^^^^eYille, she would have governed the state. Her talents
^ere misplaced, and that which would have been her glory in a
^ore lof^ station caused her failure in the position which she
90 EISTOBIC STUDIES IN
occupied. In things within her reach she worked out the plan
in her head, and beheld always her object in great proportions.
It was in that way that, employing means in proportion with
her views rather tiian with her resources, she &]led by the fault
of others, and was ruined where others would have lost scarcely
anything.
' This taste for aflhirs, which cost her so many sufferings,
was at least productive of one benefit in her monastic asylum,
in preventing her from fixing herself there for the rest of her
days, as she was tempted to do. The uniform and simple life
of the nuns, their little parlour gossip— *all this could in no
wise flatter a mind always in movement, which, forming each
day new systems, had need of liberty to give itself up to
them.
' The good bishop de Bemex, with less mind than Francis
de Sales, resembled him in many ways, and Mme. de Warens,
whom he called his daughter, and who resembled Mme. de
Chantal in many points, might have resembled her in her
retreat, had not her taste turned her from the conventual idle-
ness. It was not because of lack of zeal that this amiable
woman did not deliver herself up to the little practices of
devotion that seem suitable to a new convert living under the
direction of a prelate. Whatever may have been the motive of
her change of religion, she was sincere in the one she had
embraced. She may have repented of having committed a
folly, but she did not desire to return. She not only died a
good Catholic, she had lived as one in good faith ; and I dare
to affirm — I, who believe I read to the bottom of her soul —
that it was entirely by aversion for mummeries that she did not
play the devotee in public. She had too sciid a piety to affect
devotion. But this is not the place to enlai^ge upon her prin-
ciples. I shall have other occasions to speak of them.'
After a journey to Turin, and developing precocious vioes,
Rousseau notes singularities in his Mamum^ as he calls her.
At table she supported with difiiculty the first smell of soup and
meats : it almost made her faint away, and the disgust con-
tinued long : little by little she surmounted it, convernng but
not eating : it was not until the end of half an hour that she
attempted the first morsel. He also tells us that ' when she
YAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 91
moralised she sometimes lost herself in space ; but by kissing
from time to time her month or her hands, I was able to letain
my patience/
CHAPTER cm
Whoever makes a pilgrimage to Annecy to visit the former
lesidenoe of Mme. de Warens and Jean Jacqaes, will find that
the town reminds him of Berne, particnlarly the arcaded street
of Notre Dame, at the bottom of which is a tower with a vaulted
archway formerly nsed as one of the city gates.
I fonnd in the cathedral an ecclesiastic, who, in reply to
my inquiries concerning Mme. de Warens, said that he really
knew of no lady of that name living in the town ! Yet it was
in this very street that she had dwelt, next to the bishop's palace
—a long, unomamented building, like a barrack or a college.
Within the large court, which is enclosed by decorated iron
railings, are two semicircular flights of stone steps, supported
hy four stone pillars, leading to a doorway on the first floor.
On passing this a staircase with ancient wooden balustrade
Asoends to the second floor.
Here I found the Canon CSievalier, who said what I
already knew, that Mme. de Warens' house had been pulled
down when the bishop's palace was erected, in 1784. It
had adjoined this house, from which can be obtained a good
idea of the surroundings of the building which has disappeared.
Hme. de War^is' mansion looked over the canal of the Thiou
oommuniGating with the lake, and commanded at that time the
open country. The rear windows of its sister building now
overlook a populous quarter of the town. It is at that end of
the bishop's palace which is towards the Place des Boucheries.
A little distance bdow, there used to be a city gate, and a
bridge leading ont into what were then gardens.
The street, which has been called the rue de I'Evteh^ since
1822, was, in 1462, the rue du Four, on account of the public
oven established there. In 1551, it was called the rue de la
Joiverie or rue Ezchaquet, on account of the family to which it
92 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
belonged, and the house served as a mint. In 1674, the
neighbourhood of the convent of the Franciscans caused it to be
given the name of Street of St. Francis. After the departure
of the Franciscans and construction of the episcopal palace in
1780, it became the rue St. Pierre, and in 1794, by municipal
order, the rue Rousseau.
The house was inscribed upon the cadastral plan of 1730
in the name of Noble Jacques de Bo^ge, of Couflans. Mme.
de Warens had installed herself in it when she came out of
the convent of the Visitation, She had as neighbours the
brothers who carried on the ovens of the reverend fathers,
the canon de la Valbonne, the brothers Domenjod, the
seignior of Prangins, the seignior of Mirabel, the provost of
the cathedral, &c.^
The ignorance displayed at Annecy with regard to Mme.
de Warens seemed to extend to Rousseau. At the seminary (a
large, imposing building situated on a height commanding a
fine view) I was told by the concierge that he had never heard of
Rousseau, or that any such person had ever sojourned in that
seminary.
* But,' I asked, ' is there not a room here called Rousseau's
room, which is regularly shown ? '
He answered: 'Certainly not. I am quite sure that no
such character is connected with the place.'
Fortunately, a priest advanced, whose agreeable countenance
showed me that my inquiries would at least be met with
courtesy. This abb6 said it was true this was the same
building in which Rousseau had lived ; that, unfortunately,
owing to some painting and repairs several years before, it was
uncertain which of two rooms had been his ; but he would show
me both.
The two rooms, of which Rousseau's was probably No. 48,
are on the second floor. It appears that, in 1855, the canon
Magnin, since bishop of the diocese, made knowif^that there
was a room which had always borne the name of Ronsseau^s
chamber, and that till a few years before, the name of the
author was visible on the window-sill, carved with the date
> Revue Savoisienne (1878) : * M. Th. Dofour's reoearohes on Boiuwaii's
rdndenoe at Anneoy.'
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 98
o( Ua Bojonm. The building having been revamped, the
inscription was effaced by a workman.^
The seminary was commenced in 1624, and completed
in 1628.
On the second floor is a long corridor, and on the left
No6. 47 and 48, one of which was occupied by Ronsseaa, and
looks over the garden and the country. The rooms are small,
whitewashed, and each contains one window, a bed, a chair,
8 cheet of drawers, and a washstand. Nothing could be more
clean or more primitive.
History and Literature are represented here. In the
corridor hangs a table of the kings of France down to
Louis XVL, a table of the kings of Poland down to 1702,
and another of the Ottoman princes down to 1774. On the
first; floor is a very respectable library, containing perhaps
twenty-five thousand volumes, collected since 1823; the former
library having been dispersed during the Revolution.
The lower floor retaios few traces of its state in Rousseau's
day. In the refectory is a fine wainscoting, and the ceiling, like
that of the corridor, is in the Renaissance style, with heavy
beams. The reception-hall is ornamented with portraits, and
commands a view of the lake. Tablets in the corridor contain
the names engraved in gold of the benefactors of the seminary
from the year 1645.
Though the chapel is very much changed and enlarged,
a portion exists as it did in Rousseau's time. It is elaborately
wainscoted, and on either side are the seats of the students.
Opposite the altar is an organ-loft and an admirable instrument.
Poor Mme. de Warens had been casting about as to what
was to be done with her protSyS. With motherly care she
desired to advance Rousseau's education, and he was sent by
advice of M. Gros, the superior, to this seminary.
'What a change! I was obliged to submit to it, but I
went to tlie seminary as I would have gone to the gallows. A
seminary is a gloomy place, especially for one who leaves
the house of an amiable woman. I carried thither only one
book which I had prayed Maman to lend me, and which was for
» M. Th. Dufoar, In the Revue Savoisicnnc (1878),
94 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
me a great resource. It would be impossible to imagine what
kind of book it was. It was a book of music.
^ Among tbe talents which she had cultivated, music had
not been forgotten. She had a voice, sang passably, and played
a little on the harpsichord. She had had the kindness to give
me some lessons in singing, and it was necessary to begin at the
beginning, for I scarcely knew the music of our psalms. Eight
or ten lessons from a woman, greatly interrupted, far from
placing me in a position to understand the scales, scarcely
taught me a quarter of the signs of music. Nevertheless, I had
such a passion for this art that I wished to try and exercise
alone.*
CHAPTER CIV
In the spring and summer of 1730 Mme. de Warens passed
several months in the French capital. M. Bumier (^ History of
the Senate of Savoy ') says that ' although she appeared strongly
attached to her new faith, her conversation, acts, and writings
were watched, which was all the more easy because she received
with kindness the Protestant converts, among whom were a
certain number whose morality was doubtful, and who had sold
their faith for money.' Rousseau also says she was conscious of
being watched. And this is confirmed by a letter of July 24,
1730, from Count Annibale Maffei (Sardinian ambassador in
Paris, and knight of the Annunciation) to President St.
Georges of the Senate of Savoy :
* This morning there departed from here by the coach, on
her way to Lyons, the Baroness de Warens de la Tour, a
pensioner of His Majesty, with the intention of then betaking
herself by Seyssel to Annecy, her residence. Perhaps she may
go straight to Chamb6ry, in order to pass on to Turin. I take
the liberty of advising Your Excellency that it is essential, for
the service of the king, that she should not leave the realm,
especially that she should not enter Switzerland, for an import-
ant reason. Therefore, I pray Your Excellency to write to
Seyssel that in case she presents herself there, she may be
watched, and that it may be so managed that she shall go to
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 96
Annecy, without However giving her any cause for suspicion ;
and in case she goes to Chamb^ry en route for Turin, if there
be nothing out of the way, she may be allowed to pursue her
jonraey without interference.* '
The President immediately addressed instructions to a certain
Mitonet at Seyssel directing him to look out for Mme. de
Warens. On July 31, Mitonet replied : ' I slept last night at
Seysael, and remained there nearly all day. The coach arrived
at one in the morning. The dame in question was not to be
found in it. ... I took care to inform myself whether any one
ooold pass through Seyssel in a post-chaise. I was assured
tiiAt this mode of conveyance had been given up as soon as
Meesienrs of the Protestant religion had gone to Geneva to take
the communion. I learned moreover, adroitly, that Mme. de
Warens had passed by Seyssel in going to Paris ; that she only
entered tiie coach masked ; that two strangers arrived at
SejBsel exactly the evening before her departure, and that one
of them was named d'Aubonne. It seems to me that her con-
duct is problematic. It may be that she is a faithful Catholic,
or it may be that she looks back like Lot's wife.'
In a second letter to the President, Count Maffei acknow-
ledges his activity in these terms: 'I have noted in Tour
Excellency's letter the orders you have given concerning Mme.
de Warens. I think she will go to Chamb6ry. In that case it
will be necessary to observe the intercourse which she may have
with the people of her own nation.' M. Bumier is of opinion
that Mme. de Warens went on to Turin, and dwelt there some
time. Bousseau has already told us that she always preserved
friends at court, and in spite of secret jealousies retained her
pension. It is possible she had some secret mission to fulfil.
She doubtless strengthened her position at court during her
stay, and perhaps endeavoured to obtain influence that might be
of use to her in the contemplated suits against the Savoy pro-
perty of her former husband's father.
It is very singular that Jean Jacques seems never to have
known with certainty that Mme. de Warens went to Turin. In
speaking of his not finding her at Annecy, he merely talks of
» Mim,de VAeacUmie ImpiriaUi de Savoie (1864), pp. 481. 482; Life of
AwUbale Maffei, oommQDicated to the author by the Marquis di Maffei.
96 HISTOKIC STUDIES IN
her voyage to Paris, and on his arrival in the latter city, he
says he only heard ramonrs concerning her movements— one,
that she had gone to Annecy, another, that she had gone to
Turin, and a third, that she had gone to Switzerland ; and lie
never mentions her withdrawn law-snit,
Coont Maffei, whose name is associated with Mme. de
Warens in the above incident, was himself a historical character
of distinguished merit, who had played an important r6le in the
history of his country, and who had placed it and the honse of
Savoy under lasting obligations by his wise conduct in obtaining
for Victor Amadeus Sicily and the crown. Many years before
Mme. de Warens' journey to Turin, he had been ambassador of
the Duke of Savoy to the English Court, and in 1713 he went
to Utrecht as his first plenipotentiary in the Congress held in
that town at the end of the Seven Tears' War. Through his
able exertions. Queen Anne of England had taken up the Duke's
cause, and the island of Sicily was now given to the latter with
a royal crown. It was in consequence of this important service
that in 1714 Victor Amadeus II., having become king, appointed
him viceroy, declaring publicly that it was but just to send to
Sicily the statesman who had secured its possession to the house
of Savoy. The Count remained in Sicily three years, surrounded
by enormous difficulties. At last a Spanish and Austrian coali-
tion was formed and the island attacked by superior forces.
Count Mafiei, gallant in the field as skilled in diplomacy, at the
head of a few faithiiil troops made so stubborn a resistance that
he was able to conclude an honourable peace, and obtain Sardinia
for his sovereign in exchange for Sicily. Thus it was that the
present royal Italian family obtained a crown which was to bring
it6 dynasty into Rome.'
I remember the agreeable impression made on me by the
portrait of this extraordinary character which I saw years ago
at the house of his descendant, then my ministerial coUeagae at
Athens. There was in the face an expression of strength,
subtlety, and frankness, which are rarely combined.*
> Letter of the Marquis di Maffei to the author, April QB, 1880; Noiiees
biographiqiies sur le Comte Annibale Maffei de la MiratuhUi, par TabM Felioo
Ceretti (1875). (MS.)
* It 18 an interesting historical eoinoldence that his direet desoendaat, the
present Marquis di Maffei, was for thirteen years secretary of embawy at
VAtJD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 97
Vktor Amadens 11., whom we hare seen welcoming Mme.
de Warens on her arrival at Evian, b^fan, after two years'
Tetirement from power, to find time hang heavily upon his
hands, and, pushed on by the ambition of his morganatic wife,
the Marquise de Spino, he suddenly determined to retake the
rniifl of government he had abdicated. He was at this time
residing at Chambdry, and his aecret designs were discovered in
an accidental manner. He had gone out to walk, and in his
absence the crowd were admitted to view the royal apartments
in the castle. The king and his wife returning unexpectedly, a
young abb6 (Michon) found himself in the prince's chamber,
and being unable to get out hid behind the tapestry, where he
overheard a conversation which revealed the plan. When the
young man was able to leave his perilous post unnoticed, he
repaired to his spiritual director, the cur6 Petit of St. Leger,
who told him it was his duty at once to inform King Charles
Emanuel. The young king was himself just then the guest, as
his father had been before him, of the Baron de Blonay in the
London ; and, as it was through the good offices of Qaeen Anne that the crown
origiiially came to the house of Savoy when Goont Hannibal Maffei was
imbssssdor, so the crown of united Italy came to its representative, through
the goodwill of Queen Viotoria, while another Count Maffei was officially
aooreditod to the oourt of St. James.
In 1S78, after the abdication of the duke of Aosta as king of Spain, the
later Count Maffei was transferred from London to Madrid, where he remained
three years acting as Charg6 d'affaires, in the midst of troublesome and revo-
htionary days. At a time that the relations between Spain and the United
States were In a critical condition, on account of the capture of the Virgmitu by
the Cuban authorities, he was, in the absence of the American Minister, selected
by the American government to take charge of its interests, though fortunately
his intervention was not required. In 1676, he was entrusted by the Italian
govermnent with the important duty of examining the papers of Count Cavour
after the decease of the latter's nephew ; M. di Maffei having been the Intimate
frie&d of both uncle and nephew. Having separated with great skUl the
family arahives from the state documents, he formed and arranged an important
eolketion of manuscripts relating to a notable period o( Italian history, which
with a detailed report was presented to his government.
On the conclusion of this work he was appointed envoy extraordinary at
Athens, and was twioe called thence to the post of under secretary of state for
foreign affairs at Borne. During his second tenure of office, he was elected a
member of parliament by his native Turin, and when the cabinet presided
OTer by M. Cairoli fell in 1881 was appointed envoy at Brussels.
He has laid English-speaking people under lasting obligations by his
admirable translation of the Memoirs of his connection, the Marquis d'Aseglio,
He had previously earned the gratitude of his own country by a remarkable
history in Bnglish of Italian brigandage, which Included a complete study of
Italy's political and social condition after the year 1864, when struggling to
free herself completely from the evils of past bad administration and foreign
tuls* This work is still a standard authority.
VOL. ir. H
98 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
chateau at Evian, where the abb6 Michon found him at the
moment when a f&te was to be given by the queen. The yonng
monarch, hastily taking leave of M. de Blonay, departed with a
small number of persons, traversed the Little St. Bernard, and
arrived in his capital on the day that Bivoli was reached by his
father, who from the heights of Aveillane heard the cannon of
Turin announcing his son's arrival.
We know that the son's ministers refused to allow him to
abdicate in favour of his father, whose attempt was in no sense
realised. The abb6 Michon, as the effect of the finght he had
experienced, had, on his return from Evian, an extraordinary
illness ; he was naturally pale and thin, but now became red
and of enormous size. The fear of recalling to King Charles
the slightest circumstance connected with the arrest of his
father, prevented an application for recompense in behalf of the
abb6, who however died at a very advanced age as rector of the
parish of St. Andr6, near Chamb6ry.
CHAPTER CV
To one who has studied minutely the movements of Ronsseaa
and compared the dates, it is clear that he visited all the sites
connected with Mme. de Warens — Vevey, the town in which
she was bom ; the Bassets, her country pavilion ; and Chailly,
where she went during the vintage season — and, remembering
his activity, that he was up with the sun and accustomed to
wander all day amid scenes that pleased him, it is reasonable
to suppose that he also pushed his way as far as the castle of
Chillon. Several years afterwards, when he had returned to
the roof of Mme. de Warens at the Charmettes, no doubt they
compared notes about these haunts of her early life; the pictures
left us in his various works being the offspring of his own per-
sonal impressions, and of the teachings of his Maman.
After his journey to Paris, and search there for his Maman,
Rousseau wanders back to Annecy, arriving, not as he says in
1732, but in May 1731, when he was nineteen, and not as he
declares past twenty. Soon afler he discovered, or so states,
i
YAUD. BERNE, AND SAVOY 99
that Mme. de Warens was living in immoral relations with her
flcientafic gardener and botanist, Claude Anet. Nevertheless,
the three ' lived in a nnion that rendered ns all happy, and
which death alone was able to destroy. One of the proofs of
the excellence of this lovable woman is, that all who loved her
Io7ed each other. Jealousy, rivalry even, yielded under the
dominant sentiment she inspired ; and I have never known any
one of those who surrounded her desire to do evil to another.
Let the reader pause on this eulogium, and if, after reflection,
he knows a woman of whom he can say the same, to her let him
attach himself, were she the most abandoned courtezan, if he
deares a tranquil life.'
Bousseau found in Claude Anet a teacher, and his references
to his botanical tastes have reminded me of a relic connected
with him which came to me under remarkable circumstances.
During the Paris Commune, my house in the Avenue
d'Antin was under fire from Mount Val^rien, and I leased the
hotel of the Marquis de Girardin in the rue Blanche, where I
ii^stalled my family, permitting the proprietor to retain the
^pper floor.
During some of the long hours when it was impossible to
move out of doors on account of the incessant fire, I held most
interestmg conversations with the old Marquis, whose grand-
father had welcomed Bousseau to Ermenonville, where the latter
took his own life (probably), in a moment of insanity.
Among other reminiscences of Jean Jacques was the tradi-
tion, handed down in the family, of his ardent love for botany
in his last days.
Shortly after the Commune had come to an end, Mme.
de Girardin died from its eflTects. Her health had been some-
what undermined by the anxiety which she endured when the
Germans took possession of the chateau of Ermenonville, and
she was obliged to leave the place, to which she was greatly
attached, and the dear carp in the lake which used to come and
feed out of her hand at the sound of the evening and morning
bell, and which were destined to be eaten by the hungry
soldiery ; but the subsequent terrors of the Commune, the un-
ceasmg anxiety and excitement, were the real causes of her
decease. Not long after this mournful event I was sitting one
^ H 2
147858
100 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
day in my residence in the Avenue d'Antin, when the old
Marquis was announced. He was followed by a servant bearing
a large package, from which he took what looked like a fi*amed
picture.
* This/ he said, ' contains botanical specimens gathered by
Bousseau himself in the park of Ermenonville a short time
before his death, and affixed to the paper which you still see
there ; and beneath each object is written in his own hand a
description of the plant. I pray yon to accept this as a token
of my gratitude.'
The Marquis himself has since passed away, and the ch&tean
of Ermenonville has been sold, and is undergoing alterations
which will rapidly obliterate the structure as it appeared in
Rousseau's time.
As to what Bousseau says of the intimate relations between
Mme. de Warens and Claude Anet, supposing the narrative not
an invention, it is possible that they were platonic ; and in any
case there was a deep affection between the divorced lady and
the botanist. But Bousseau proceeds to relate, with cynical
sentimentality, a succession of liaisons in the life of this lady,
and even his own seduction by her. The trail of this reptile is
now visible over all the career of his eminent benefactress, and
it is due to her memory that the reader shall scrutinise the libel,
odious as it is, and consider whether it may not be an example
of what Mr. John Morley finds, that ^ Bousseau in some of his
mental states had so little sense of the difference between the
actual and the imaginary.'
' Maman,' he sa}rs, ' saw that to save me from the dangers
of my youth, it was time to treat me as a man ; and this is what
she did, but in the most singular manner that a woman, in such
a case, could devise. I noticed that her m&mner was graver,
and her conversation more moral than usual. To the playfxil
gaiety which she was accustomed to intermingle with her in-
structions suddenly succeeded a uniform manner, which was
neither familiar nor severe, but which seemed to pave the way
to an explanation. After having vainly searched in my own
mind for the reason of this change, I asked her : this was what
she had been expecting. She proposed a walk to the little
garden the next day : we were there from the early morning.
YAUD, BEBNE, AKD SAVOY 101
She had so arranged that we should remain together undisturbed
all day, and she spent the time in preparing me for the favours
ahe intended bestowing upon me ; not as another woman would
have done, bjr using artifices and allurements, but by conversa-
tions full of sentiment and reason, rather intended to instruct
than to seduce me, which spoke more to my heart than my
'The reader, already disgusted, supposes, that being pos-
sessed by another man, she had degraded herself in my eyes by
thus sharing her favours, and that a sentiment of disesteem
weakened those thoughts with which she had inspired me ; but
he is mistaken. This participation, it is true, caused me cruel
pain, as much from a very natural delicacy as from the fact that
I considered it to be unworthy of both her and me ; but as to
my sentiments for her, they were unchanged, and I can swear
that never did I love her more tenderly than when I had so
little desire to possess her. I knew her chaste heart and her
cold disposition too well to believe for a moment that the grati-
fication of the senses took any part in this abandonment of her-
self; I was quite sure that her only motive was to snatch me
firom dangers, which appeared otherwise almost inevitable, and
to preserve me entirely to myself and to my duties, and that
this was the cause of her infringement of a duty which she
did not regard in the same light as other women do, as will be
explained after. I pitied her, and I pitied myself. • . •
' Ce jour, plutdt redout6 qu'attendu, vint enfin. Je promis
tout, et je ne mentis pas. Mon coeur confirmoit mes engage-
ments sans en d6sirer priz. Je I'obtins pourtant. Je me vis
pour la premiere fois dans les bras d'une femme, et d'une femme
que j'adorois. Fus-je heureux ? non, je goAtai le plaisir. Je
ne sais quelle invincible tristesse en eropoisonnoit le charme.
J'^tois comme si j'avois commis un inceste. Deux ou trois fois,
en la pressant avec transport dans mes bras, j'inondai son sein
de mes larmes. Pour elle, elle n'6toit ni triste ni vive ; elle
6toit caressante et tranquille. C!omme elle 6toit pen sensuelle
et n'avoit point recherch6 la volupt6, elle n'en eut pas les
ddlicee et n'en a jamais eu les remords.
' I repeat it ; all her failings arose from her errors, never
from her passions. She was well bom, her heart was pure, she
102 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
loved honest things, her inclinations were upright and virtnons,
her taste was delicate ; she was formed for an elegancy of man-
ners which she always loved and yet never followed, because,
instead of listening to her heart, which led her right, she
listened to her reason, which led her wrong. When faiae prin-
ciples took her from her path, her real sentiments were in con-
tradiction to them ; but she unfortunately piqued herself upon
her philosophy, and the line of conduct which she had drawn up
for herself spoiled that which her heart dictated.
^ M. de Tavel, her first lover, was her master in philosophy,
and the principles which he instilled into her mind were those
which he needed to seduce her. Finding her attached to her
husband, to her duties, but always cold, reasoning and impreg-
nable through the senses, he attacked her by sophisms, and
succeeded in proving her duties, to which she was so much
attached, to be a kind of catechism merely intended to amuse
children ; the union of the sexes, an act of the utmost indiffer-
ence in itself; conjugal fidelity, an obligatory outward show
whose morality only concerned opinion ; a husband's peace of
mind, the only duty of the wife ; so that concealed infidelities
neither injured him who was deceived, nor need they trouble the
conscience. In fine, he persuaded her that the thing in itself
was of no consequence, the evil arose only from scandal, and that
every woman who was honest in appearance was, by that alone,
honest in point of fact. Thus did the poor wretch reach his
aim by corrupting the mind of a child whose heart he could not
corrupt. He was punished by a most devouring jealousy, being
persuaded that she treated him as he had taught her to treat
her husbcmd. I do not know whether he deceived himself on
this point. The Minister Ferret is said to have been his suc-
cessor. What I do know is, that the impassive temperament of
this young woman, which should have protected her from this
system, was in the end the means of preventing her firom re-
nouncing it. She could not conceive why others should give
BO much importance to that which had none for herself. She
never honoured with the name of virtue the abstinence which
cost her so little.'
Mme. de Warens, at the ardent solicitations of Jean Jacques,
/• lefl her house in Chamb^ry to retire to the Charmettes — not in
VAUD, BERNE^ AND SAVOY 103
1736, as Roussean declares, but in reality in 1738, as the lease
of the Charmettes proves.^ It is possible that Mme. de Warens
began to discover the real character of Boussean, at the time of
Claude Anet's death in 1734.
The chAteaa ^ Charmettes ' is on a hillside half an hour's
driye finom Chamb^. At the beginning of the way which
leads to this rural residence, there is a mile-stone besoring the
ioscription : Les Charmettes, 1000 metres.
As we mount the hill a sparkling stream meets us, its tune*
fill waters tinkled far in advance. The ascent is gradual and
the road bordered by trees which, although it is December, have
not thrown off their summer garb, while ivy and green moss
cluster on all their trunks. The road lies partly through vine-
yards cultivated en orotse^ as at Evian.
The honse is of two storeys — ^between which a luxuriant
vine throws its arm — with a steep roof and projecting eaves.
The windows are filled with small panes, and the shutters
painted pale green, seemingly a favourite colour among the
fanning class in this region. The main buUding with its de-
pendencies stands on a terrace supported by a massive wall,
in which a door opens into a long passage leading to the
cellars.
Turning up the steep pathway towards the mansion, we
pass a small building, originally a chapel, afterwards an oven,
and now a wood loft. It bears a Latin inscription almost
illegible, with the date 1647, and a coat of arms party per fees,
two stars in the upper, and a wing in the lower part of the
field. There are also traces of armorial bearings above the
main door, but the shield was broken during the Revolution.
The hall, devoid of furniture or ornament, is paved with
large square stone flags ; three doors open into it and a broad
stone staircase mounts to the first floor. On the right is a room
filled with various relics of former residents. Our cicerone
insisted that the portrait of Rousseau was painted by the author
himself. It is certainly poor enough to have been drawn by
Rousseau, or any other indifferent delineator. It represents
him in a light brown costume, with white cravat and rufiles,
^ * Original lease of the Channettes/ pttb. in the Him. de la SociiU Savoi.
ttenne, i. 87.
104 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
and a small grey wig. His eyes are brown, his nose aquiliney
his lips thin and tightly compressed, and cheekbones deci*
dedly prominent. One hand rests on the ^ Social Contract/
which stands upon a column bearing an inkstand and inscribed
with the words Vitam Impendere Vera ; the other hand holds a
pen above the volume of Emiley the name of his favourite Plu-
tarch appearing on another book.
This acbUe-dHnanger is of ample proportions, with a lofty
ceiling, and the heavy beams peculiar to the Savoyard archi-
tecture of the sixteenth century. It is lighted by two large
windows looking over the terrace, and wears altogether a mar-
vellously attractive look. The whole atmosphere of the place
is one of size and comfort. ' Above opposite doors busts of
Rousseau and Voltaire are evidently snarling at each other.
Here is Rousseau's walnut bookcase, but without contents.
Mme. de Warens' dining-table is here to bring to mind her
dainty ways at table, and recall images of those who sat
round it.
Passing through a door partly of glass, we come to the salon
which looks towards Chamb^ry, and by a double door, the inner
being of glass for summer use, descend into a garden, and fixmi
that pass to another terrace, bordered by vineyards.
In this garden is an avenue of plantains with intertwining
branches. Was this Bousseau's berceau? It bears all the
marks of gnarled antiquity. The extraordinary colour of these
interwoven limbs, resembling the molasse — a stone much used
in this country and in the Pays de Yaud — gives them a weird
and close appearance to the aisle of a GK>thic cathedral.
Through this vista the eye ranges along the valley of Chamb6ry
to the mountains.
In the salon is Bousseau's walnut gaming-table, disposed
for chess on the outside, and for cards on the inside. Here is
also Mme. de Warens' harpsichord, whose notes have become
harsh and discordant with age, unlike its first owner's sweet
voice, which was melodious to life's end.
From the main entrance hall we mounted by two stairways
to Bousseau's bedroom, containing his Jit de repoSy mirror, and
another gaming-table. The bed is in a large alcove and is
ornamented with Bousseau's portrait after the Gfeneva bust.
VAUD, BERNE, AJND SAVOY 106
A small chapel in the honse remains in the same state as in
the days of Mme. de Warens. Next to it is her fine, bright
room, with the same lofty Renaissance ceiling.
Ont of the north window I saw the dark mass of the Dent
de Nivollay, but the clouds mounted quickly and hid it from
▼iewy while revealing the base of the mountain and the smiling
plain below. From the valley and the outskirts of Chamb6ry
rose the distant hum of an industrious population ; on the other
side were audible only the quiet sounds of the country — ^the
lowing of kine, the streamlet's trickling, the droning of
insects.
Above the chimney, which is disgracefully scribbled over
with names, hangs a medallion representing Rousseau and
Voltaire face to face — Jean Jacques in a full wig, with his
youthful countenance and scarlet coat, Voltaire in a full-
bottomed wig and blue coat, with his keen, cynical, elderly
fisMse.
The farmer whom we met had cultivated the place for
sixtyHedx years, and presented a remarkable example of blun-
dering reverence of shadowy personalities. He had never been
able to grasp the idea of Rousseau or Mme. de Warens in the
flesh ; they represented to him an abundant harvest of inquiries
and coin, and like an honest man he strives ' to give as good
as he gets.' The result for the ill-informed tourist must be a
curious one. If I had time, I might illustrate this, but I should
appear imaginatively satirical without being so.
Nothing can surpass the art with which Rousseau describes
his life with Madame de Warens at the Gharmettes, and the
idyllic scenes, — the harvest of fruits, the pic-nics as we should
call them, the outdoor fUtes, which recall the pictures of
Watteau. In the height of his happiness he remembers a day-
dream, and embracing his good fedry, who had called up all
this beauty around him, he cries, ' Maman, Maman, this day
was promised to me long ago, and I see nothing beyond it.
My happiness, thanks to you, is at its height. May it never
decline ! '
But plethora succeeds ; for as Rousseau puts it, ' vapours
are the illnesses of happy men.' We presently find him
aflSicted with an imaginary polyp of the heart, and travelling to
106 mSTORIG STUDIES IN
seek a core fix>m one M. Fisseo at Montpellier, and then return-
ing to find — but he must tell the Btory himself.
' I had always seen my arrival marked by a kind of little
f&te. I expected no less this time; and all these attentions
which were so agreeable to me were worth the trouble of being
approached gradually.
' I arrived then exactly at the hour. From afar I looked to
see if she was not awaiting me in the road. My heart beat
more and more in proportion as I approached. I arrived out
of breath, for I had left my carriage in town. I see no one in
the court, or at the door, or at the window. I begin to be
troubled, I fear some accident. I enter ; all is tranquil ; some
workmen were lunching in the kitchen ; but no sigrns of prepa-
ration. The servant appeared surprised to see me ; she was not
aware that I was expected.
' I ascend the stairs. At length I see this dear Maman, bo
tenderly, so strongly, so purely loved. I run, I throw myself
at her feet.
' ^' Ah ! there you are, little one," she said to me, embracing^
me. " Did you have a pleasant journey ? How are you ? "
' This reception took me aback a little. I asked her if slie
had not received my letter. She said, *' Tes."
^ " I should have thought that you had not," I said ; and the
information ended there.
<A young man was with her. I recognised him, having
seen him at the house before my departure, but this time he
seemed to be established there; and so he was. In brief, I
found my place taken.
^ This young man was from the Pays de Vaud. His father,
named Yintzenried, was e(mciergej or as he styled himself captain
of the castle of Chillon. The captain's son was a hair-dresser's
apprentice, and was running about the world in this capacity
when he came to present himself to Mme. de Warens, who
received him well, as she did all wayfarers, especially from her
own country.
^ He was a tall, expressionless blonde, tolerably well made,
with a flat face, and a mind of the same character, talking like
a handsome Leander, mingling all the tones, all the tastes of
his trade with the long history of his successes, naming only
VAUD. BERNE, AND SAVOY 107
half of the marchionesseB he had conqnered, and pretending
that lie had never dresBed the head of a pretty woman without
having likewise adorned that of her hosband — ^vain, foolish,
ignorant, inaolent : apart from this, the best fellow in the
world. This was the substitute established in my place during
my absence, and the associate who was offered to me upon my
return.'
I renture to cite this paragraph in all its revolting cruelty ;
for it is another picture of the evil characteristics of Bousseau's
nature. But the certificate of character which he gives himself
in these lines would not be complete without adding the para-
graph which immediately follows this reference to his bene-
^ O ! if souls freed from their terrestrial fetters can still see
fit>m the bosom of eternal light what passes among mortals,
pardon me, O adored and venerable shade ! if I have no more
regard for your faults than for my own ; if I unveil equally the
one and the other to the eyes of my reader. I ought and I
wish to be true to you as well as to myself: you will always
lose much less thereby than myself. And how entirely do your
amiable and sweet character, your inexhaustible goodness of
hearty your frankness and all your excellent virtues wipe out
your weaknesses, if one can thus designate the faults of your
reason alone ! You fell into errors, but you had no vices.
Tour conduct was reprehensible, but your heart was always
pore.'
According to Bousseau, this was the cause of his separation
from Mme. de Warens; but as the latter had an intimate
named Mme. Deybens, at Grenoble, whose husband was the
friend of M. de Mably, grand provost of Lyons, and as
M. Deybens proposed to him the education of the children of
M. de Mably, and he accepted this employment — ^it is fair to judge
from the character of the man, that Bousseau was eager for an
opportunity to escape from Mme. de Warens, whose poverty
rendered it probable that she could very little longer be of use
to him.
As usual, he was unsuccessful in the task he had under-
taken ; and, being unable to command his pupils, he was also
tmable to command himself. He was found purloining wines
108 HISTORIC STUDIX8 IN
from the cellar to be enjoyed in his room, and again he finds
himself drawn to his serviceable Maman — of course by inex-
tmgnishable love !
CHAPTER OVI
Whatever may be the truth about Mme. de Warens, there can
be no doubt of Rousseau's vileness in writing for publication
the alleged immoralities, whether this record be attributed to
malice or to the constitutional incapacity of this sentimentalist
for any real moral or grateful feelings. Were his statements truOi
Mme. de Warens would appear to have been endowed with
powers of feminine fascination such as are not generally associ-
ated with the ' strong-minded woman ' who carries on £EMitorieB
and large charitable enterprises. In Tavel, Ferret, Anet,
Rousseau, and Yintzenried, we see philosophy, theology, science,
literature, and worldliness, artfully presented as succumbing to
her unconscious charms. Although the period was one of rapid
religious transition in the Catholic as well as the Reformed
Church, and of much moral confusion, which continued for a
long time, it is difficult to accept Rousseau's story as contaming
any measure of truth, and to imagine a devout and kind-hearted
woman so absorbed in humanitarian work as to sacrifice thereto
both body and soul. Whether, however, his tale was true, or
whether he immolated his dearest firiend in order to make an
efiective picture, does not concern us now. The man ' who
kisses and tells ' is dishonourable. What then are we to think
of a creature who pillories in print a woman to whom he owes a
debt of gratitude which a life's devotion could not repay ?
It is especially interesting in this connection to read what
Rousseau says of Mme. de Warens' religious ideas.
^ I had often travestied religion in my ovm fashion, bat I
had never been entirely without it. It cost me less to return to
this subject so sad and melancholy for many people, but ao
sweet to one who makes of it an object of consolation and of
hope. Maman was for me on this occasion much more usefnl
than all the theologians could have been. She, who carried
system into all things, had not failed to apply one to religion.
VAUD. BERNE, AND SAVOY 109
^nd this system was composed of very disoonnected ideas ; some
very healthy, others veiy foolish, being made np of sentiments
arising from her character, and prejudices derived from her
education.
* In general, believers imagine God as they are themselves :
the good make him good, the wicked make him malicious. The
devotees, hateful and bilious, see nothing but hell, because they
would damn the whole world. Loving and gentle souls scarcely
believe in it ; and one of the astonishing things I can never
understand is to see the good F6n6lon speak in his Telemackus
as if he really gave credit to it ; but I hope that he lied then,
for, after all, however truthful one may be, one cannot help
lying sometimes when one is a bishop.
' Maman did not lie to me ; and this soul without hatred,
which could not imagine a vindictive and always wrathful Gk)d,
saw only clemency and mercy where the devotees saw only
justice and punishment. She often said that there would be no
justice in God's being rigid in judgment towards us, because,
not having given us what was necessary for perfection, that
would be demanding more than he had given. The odd thing
was that, without believing in hell, she allowed herself to believe
in purgatory. This arose from the fact, that she knew not what
to do with the souls of the wicked, not being able to damn them,
nor to put them with the good until they should become good ;
and it must be acknowledged indeed that, both in this world
and in the other, the wicked are always very embarrassing.
* Another bizarre thing. We see that the entire doctrine of
original sin and of redemption is destroyed by this system, that
the base of popular Christianity is entirely undermined, and
ihat Catholicism at least cannot subsist. Maman was never-
theless a good Catholic, or professed to be one, and it is certain
that she professed it in good faith. It seemed to her that the
Bible was too literally and harshly explained. All the commina-
tory passages about eternal torments seemed to her figurative.
The death of Jesus Christ appeared to her an example of charity
truly divine to teach men to love God and to love each other.
^ In a word, faithful to the religion she had embraced, she
adopt'Od sincerely all its points of faith, but when it came to the
discussion of each article, she apparently made such distinctions
110 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
with regard to each that her belief was entirely different from
that of the Church, though she was always entirely submissiTe
to ^t. She showed therein a simplicity of heart and a frankness
moire eloquent than sophisms, and often embarrassed even her
confessor, for firom him she concealed nothing. ^* I am a good
Catholic," she said to him, '^ and I wish always to be so. I
adopt &om the bottom of my heart the decisions of Holy Mother
Church. I am not mistress of my faith, but I am of my will.
I submit without reserve, and I desire to believe everything.
.What more can you ask from me ? "
' If there had been no Christian morality established, I am
persuaded she would have lived as if regulated by its principles,
so well was this system adapted to her character. She did all
that was ordered, but she would have done the same thing if it
had not been commanded. In indifferent things she loved to
obey.'
It is evident from her correspondence with Bousseau that as
early as 1747 Mme. de Warens' pensions were withdrawn;
although they were undoubtedly renewed at a later epoch they
were so mortgaged as to be of no use to her.'
It was at this time that she threw herself with renewed
ardour into various industrial enterprises ; and in October, 1747,
she seems to have purchased a mine from the Marquis de la
Boche for 25,000 livres, on behalf of a company which she had
formed to work it. That she was in a state of uncertainty as to
her future is evident from the following unpublished letter, dated
at Chamb6ry March 12, 1747, and addressed to Captain Hugonin,
at Yevey, who had married her niece. Mile, de la Tour :
' Monsieur, and very dear Nephew, — ^I have been so incom-
moded by heavy colds and inflammation of the lungs accom-
panied by fever, since the reception of your last dear letter, that
it has been impossible for me to take my pen in hand at an
earlier moment.
' I can assure you, my very dear Nephew, that my intention
has always been to leave at the end of my life the little domain
in question to your dear children, and even from to-day, if my
> * Letter to the Baron Dangeville/ pub. by M. Jules Toy in the R€VU€
Savoinenne tor 1870, p. 61.
VAUD, BKRNE, AND SAVOY 111
means permitted me to dispense with this little revenue during
my life. As M. de Boy6r6a is one of your nearest relatives, and
moreover as I believe one of yonr friends, yon can charge him
when he comes here in May next with all that yon wish that I
should do to render you contented and tranquil.
' For this purpose, arrange the conditions yourself, and I will
sign them. I accept the two hundred livres you offer me for the
annual ground-rent of my property, provided that you will make
me a declaration pure and simple, which carries within itself no
illusory ambiguity, to the effect that you confess that you owe
me two hundred francs annually of current money of Geneva,
and that you will pay these two hundred francs each year regu-
larly to me or to my order as long as I shall live, and in what-
ever country I may reside.
* If my evil destiny should render this little sum necessary
to me, I shall require it from you regularly, as long as I shall
live; but if my affiurs take a better turn, in that case I
assure you that I shall not remind you of this bagatelle. It
IB to be hoped for your dear children's sake that fortune
will for some time second my good intentions with regard to
them.
' I have taken the liberty to address the present to Mme. la
Ck>lonelle de Willading, in order that it may reach you the more
surely during your sojourn at Berne ; and I have prayed her to
protect' your interests in the capital.
* I hope, my very dear Nephew, that you will accord me
always a small place in your dear friendship, assuring you that
you will always have all mine joined to the perfect esteem and
distinguished consideration with which I have the honour to be,
all my life,
* Monsieur and my very dear Nephew,
* Your very humble and very obedient servant,
* De Wabens de la Tour.' '
The amount of energy Mme. de Warens displayed in her
efforts to support herself and to obtain money to do good, is
really marvellous. At one time she and her associates were
1 It will be observed that twenty years after her divorce she preserved the
name de Warens.
112 HISTORIC STUDIES IK
working five mines ; one of which waa in the Tarentaise, one at
Faucigny, and another at La Bochette. Although, on account
of the knavery of her aBSOciates, she derived only trouble and
sorrow, it would appear that her views in substance were
correct ; for most of these mines are to-day, I believe, worked
with profit. The busy mining district of La Bochette owes all
its importance to her initiative, and the botanical garden which
has come into existence at Chamb^ry within a few years was her
invention.^
M. Th. Dufour prints a letter of Mme. de Warens, of Jan-
uary 25, 1754, to M. de Courtilles, the Yintzenried of Rousseau,
whose tone does not accord with Rousseau's story of her having
a liaison with that hairdresser. He desired to marry in a family
of the Tarentaise, and naturally applied to his kind friend to
speak on his behalf to the father. She writes :
' You owe entire gratitude to M. and Mme. de Bargonzi,
and to their amiable fieunily, for the kind and charitable care
they have had the goodness to extend towards you, and which I
did everything in my power to promote; and I congratulate you
with all my heart in having found succour fit)m these kind
people. At present, it is your duty to weigh and reflect upon
all the obligations which you propose to contract, in order that
you may never be placed in the position to be refused or to
receive reproaches afterwards. Speak little, if you can, think
much, and conduct yourself always in an irreproachable manner
before Qod and men. This is the means of being always loved
and esteemed by all the world.'
Three letters, published by M. Jules Vuy, written by Mme.
de Warens (January 12, April 10, 1756, and February 7,
1757) contain evidences of her excellent and pious character.
They treat of a request she had made to the Baron de Dange-
ville to furnish board for eleven months to a person named
Fran9oi8 Fabre, a master cast-iron founder. Mme. de Wai^ns
had, as M. Yuy remarks, promised to pay this sum ; hnt over-
whelmed with debts, pursued by her creditors, always at law
always before the tribunals, she was unable, notwithstanding the
best will in the world — and no one could doubt her entire good
> Mr. Bayle St. John's T/te SubcUpine Kingdom.
VAUD. BERNE. AND SAVOY 113
faith — to put into execntion the promises which she had made.
Oat of this incident grew these three letters. In the first she says :
* If the Divine Goodness deigns to bless my work, I hope to
sacceed so that, by this means, I may be able to occupy myself
wholly with the only necessaiy thing — ^that is to say, labouring
for the salvation of my soul. I recommend this subject to your
good prayers.'
In the next letter she says : ' It is easy for me to understand
from whence come the ill turns which are done to me with
respect to you each day. in recompense for my benefactions. I
keep silence upon all, and leave the vengeance to Qod^ not
wishing to complain of anyone. Be persuaded, my dear Baron,
that I have no other desire than that of retiring from all the
embarrassments of the world, of which I have felt the cruel
bitterness through the bad faith of those with whom I have had
to do, which ought to engage me to finish all business affairs, if
it is possible, with such people.'
In the third letter she says : ' It is with great regret, my
very dear Baron, that I learn that the unfortunate situation of
your health resembles mine, which is so reduced also that I can
leave neither my room nor my bed. I could not have written
to you at an earlier moment, in spite of all my desire to do so.
Since the Christmas holidajrs I have been kept in bed by painfnl
gout in the four members, which has swollen my feet and my
bands, and caused an inflammation of the lungs of the worst
description, and has tormented me as much as my debts, which
is Sfiying everything. For it cannot be denied that the greatest
cross for an honest person to bear is that of being in debt and
not being able to pay at as early a moment as one desires. This
is the unfortunate situation in which I find myself. Be per-
suaded, my dear Baron, that the 215 livres I owe you for having
nourished the sieur Fabre trouble me far more than you, and
will continue to trouble me until you have been paid.
' If Gk>d were willing to give me health, I should prefer it to
the most brilliant fortune ; but no one can choose his future.
The will of Gfod ought to be our rule, without complaint and
withont murmur to submit ourselves to His will ; this is the
rule which I propose to follow, with God's aid, the rest of my
days • and this Ib why I taste in silence all the injustices which
VOL" Tl. I
114 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
have been done to me. It would need volames to explain to you
even a part.' ^
The correspondence with M. de Dangeville terminated with
a letter, dated January 20, 1759, at N6zin :
' Could it be possible, my dear Baron, that you have had the
courage to continue your silence in this new year ? I offered to
you my most sincere vows on the occasion of the holy Christmas
filtes. I reiterate them to you now in this renewal of the year,
praying God that he will please to accord you a most happy one,
with a great number of others, filled with all kinds of benedic-
tions ; and that in the whole course of your prosperity you will
have the goodness not entirely to forget a poor widow, who
prays God every day for you/ '
Thus it was that this brilliant, accomplished, and pious
woman found herself bereft of all friends, and, sickness having
overcome her, she died with no early Mend near her to smooth
her pillow or to ease her pain by human sympathy. Even
Rousseau's friend de Conzi6 felt the base ingratitude of Jean
Jacques. He says of Mme. de Warens :
' She found herself forced to beg a comer of a hut in one of
the faubourgs, where she vegetated only through the succour
and charitable care of her neighbours, who were in anything but
easy circumstances.
^ Finally, borne down by various ills which confined her to
her bed for more than two years, she saccumbed with all the
sentiments of a courageous woman and a good Christian.
^I have always condemned Jean Jacques (whom she had
honoured with the name of her adopted son), in the first place,
for having preferred the interests of Le Vasseur to those of a
maman as respectable for him in every sense as his washerwoman
Le Vasseur was disgraceful. He might well have laid aside his
pride, from time to time, and have worked to earn the neces-
saries of life, so as to restore all or at least a part of what he
had cost his generous benefactress.'*
> * LettreB in^dites de Mme. de Warens/ par M. Jules Vajr, pablished in
the Revus Savoisienne for 1870.
* M. Tb. Dulour in the Revue Savoisienne, 1878. The word * widow ' in
the last sentence is pathetic. (M. de Warens died in November 1754.)
" * Memoir of M. de Conzi6/ published in the Mimoires de la SociAt6 Savoi-
eienne d'Histoiret tome i.
VAUD, BERNE. AND SAVOY 115
Ab is nsaaL with Bonsseaii, fine words took the place of good
deeds. When he heard of the death of his kind firiend, he broke
oat in the following words :
* 60, sweet and benevolent soul, to the presence of the
F6nelons, the Bemex, the Catinats, and all those who in a more
hnmble state have like them opened their hearts to real charity :
go taste the fruit of yonrs, and prepare for yonr pnpil the place
which he hopes one day to occupy near yon — Chappy in your
miBfortones that heaven in teminating them has spared yon the
cruel spectacle of his !
* Fearing to sadden her heart by the recital of my first
disasters, I had not written to her since my arrival in Switzer-
land ; but I wrote to M. de C!oDzi6 to inform me about her, and
it was he who apprised me that she had ceased to succour those
who suffer, and to suffer herself. Soon I shall cease to suffer also,
but if I thought that I should not see her in the other world
my feeble imagination would refuse to credit the idea of perfect
happiness which I promise myself there.'
The house in which Mme. de Warens died was No. 58, in
the Faubourg N62sin, at Ghamb6ry.
The registers of the parish of Lemenc contain the following
entry concerning the death and burial of Mme. de Warens,
signed by the curate, M. Oaime, whom Bousseau mentions as
being in great part the original of his Savoyard Vicar :
* The 30th of July, 1762, was interred in the cemetery of
Lemenc the Dame Louise Fran^oise El^nore de la Tour, widow
of the seignior baron de Warens of Vevey, canton of Berne,
Switzerland, who died yesterday towards ten o'clock in the
morning, as a good Christian and strengthened by the Sacra-
ments, aged about sixty-three years. About thirtynsix years
had elapsed since she abjured the Protestant religion and
lived within our own religion, and from that time she dwelt to
the end of her days, nearly eight years, in the Faubourg of N6zin,
in the house of tiie sieur Cr6pine. She had previously resided
at the Reclus about four years, in the house of the seignior
Marquis d'Allinges. She passed the remainder of her life after
her abjuration in this town.
< (Signed) Oaime, cur6 of Lemenc'
The grave is on a rocky height, and without any monument.
J 2
118 HISTORIC, STUDIES IN
The abandoned baseness of Rousaean can only be measnred
by sonnding the depth of his iniquitoas conduct towards Mme.
de Warens. I have not attempted to accomplish this task en-
tirely ; but I will suggest one other source of information in
this direction.
At the moment that Bousseau took his departure from the
Charmettes, Mme. de Warens was already beginning to feel the
iron hand of poverty. The years of prosperity which followed
his increasing celebrity were years of increasing misery to his
benefadxess. While he was associating with all the highest,
most illustrious and charming people in France, Mme. de
Warens was going down to death, amidst want and suffering of
the most terrible description.
In all those years, with few exceptions, all that Bousseau
had to give to the one who had snatched him from starvation,
were words, words, words — fine words, full of beautiful feeling,
full of intense expression, but words that did not furnish
medicine for the sick, bread for the hungry, or vrine for the
^y{iig ^words that only served to show the hoUowness of the
man's nature, and the detestable character of his shallow heart.
He was one of those creatures who unquestionably had the
very best idea of himself. In fact, he indicates, in various
places, that he considers himself about the best man living.
He mistook a hysterical sensibility for depth of sincere feeling.
His sensibility was of a character which admitted of the blackest
ingratitude, and of the worst crimes to which human nature can
descend.
As I desire to keep my remarks strictly within the bounds
of the mildest expression and the most entire fairness, I shall
not permit myself to indulge in the strong language which his
conduct deserves and (some may think) demands. In the loug
range of historical personages whom the centuries present to us
there is perhaps no more repulsive figure than that of Jean
Jacques Rousseau as a human being. He is absolutely diagustr
ing. If we were not aware how some beautiful forms take their
rise in nature from the most filthy sources, we should be unable
to understand how such exquisite fancies, such deliciously
coloured portraits, could issue from a being so false-hearted
and degraded.
VAUD, BEBNE. AND SAVOY 117
It is sad to be obliged to associate the delightful pictures
this man has painted of his life at the Gharmettes with a view
of his subsequent conduct, as confessed by himself. Jean
Jacques Bousseau lives, not on account of the good which he
has done, but because he was endowed with the power of expres-
sion. He had within him an egoistic magnetism, fascinating,
but deadly as the breath of the upas. If anyone permits
himself to be lulled to sleep beneath the branches of his fatal
doctrines, he awakens to moral and political death. But if,
casting aside the noxious influences of the man, and expurgating
from his writings things that injure instead of bettering man-
kind, one takes simply his portraitures of character and scenery,
these may be enjoyed without danger, and stimulate a sense of
the beautiful.
Many attempts have been made to define the character of
Rousseau's genius. The only valid excuse for the infinitely low
parts and vicious influences of the man, is that he was not in
the full possession of his faculties, that his judgment was un-
balanced, and that he was unable to distinguish between right
and wrong, except when he described nature, and drew upon
the best parts of his being.
CHAPTER OVn
The year 1754 was a momentous one for the characters men-
tioned in this work. Not only did M. de Bochat die, but also his
relative M. de Warens ; Oibbon received the Sacrament at Lau-
sanne; and Voltaire began the inquiries about various properties
which led to his twenty-four years' residence in Switzerland.
Voltaire, having lefl Berlin on account of a quarrel with
Frederick the Great, was now residing at Colmar, in the house
of Mme. de GoU {n^ Susanne Ursule Deyverdun, daughter of
the seignior of Hermenches, and first cousin of George Deyver-
dun). Here he was confirmed in the plan of establishing himself
in Switzerland. This desire had been inspired by M. Polier de
Bottens, whom he had known in Germany, and warmly seconded
by M. de Brenles, another friend of Mme. de GoU.
118 mSTORIO STUDIES IN
Voltaire was at one time on the point of fixing liimself near
Colmar, and negotiated for the Ch&teau of Horbourg, belonging
to the House of Wnrtembarg. The deeds of transfer had been
drawn up, and only the signature was wanting, when he was
turned from his purpose by a Jesuit of Colmar, Father Ernest,
who had entered into a formal engagement with his superiors to
expel Voltaire from Alsace.'
Among my unpublished manuscripts are a large number of
letters written by Voltaire, and others received by him from his
distinguished contemporaries, of both sexes, which are related to
his Swiss residence. They concern a wide variety of subjects,
and amid the specimens which I propose to present, my reader
may occasionally find himself somewhat bewildered by the multi-
plicity of dates, and matters discussed. This correspondence
refuses to be systematised, except that the letters combine to
give a lively picture of the time, its interests, and personages.'
Concerning the latter I find it best to interpolate occasional
historical sketches.
On January 18 of the year 1754, Voltaire wrote from
Colmar to M. Lambert :
* The abridgement of the " Histoire Universelle " printed by
N6aulme at the Hague is only a small, crude, and very incom-
plete portion of an immense work commenced long ago, but to
complete which many books, much health, and great leisure will
be required. If I have a part of all these, I can give the finish-
ing touches to this work in the course of a year, and I will then
with pleasure gratify M. Lambert with it. I pray him to come
to an understanding with my publisher, Sphoefling [Schoepflin],
of Colmar, for the '^ Annales de FEmpire." I made a present of
it to this publisher, the brother of a professor of history who has
reviewed the work with care.' I pray M. Lambert to place it on
sale. He might gain twenty sous on each copy. Sphoefling
counts upon giving it to him for forty sous per volume, and it
oould be sold for three livres. By this arrangement each would
make a reasonable profit. Sphoefling is sending at first three
> ArehivM LitUrairM, ziv. 364.
* The book in which Voltaire pat all the sealB of his letters was bought in
1845 by the late Lord Vernon. Sir James Lacaita told me that it was bound
anew under his direction, and is now preserved at Sudbury Hall.
■ Jean Daniel Schoepflin (1694-1771) of Strasburg.
TAXH), BERNE, AND SAVOY 119
hnndred copies to M. Lambert's address. Only the first volnme
is on sale at present : the second is in the press. It is not a
book for which one can expect as rapid a sale as the " Histoire
Uniyerselle/' of which three editions, each as detestable as the
other, were issued in a single month. The '* Annales de TEmpire "
is only a correct and instructive book, the sale of which will take
longer ; it is more adapted for Germany than for France.
^ An attempt is being made to put the papers for the new
edition of the ^* QSuvres Mel6es " in order ; it is a long and toil-
some task. As soon as this is done they will be sent to M.
Lambert/
Voltaire's reference to the publication of his works leads me
to mention a letter (January 25, 1754) in my possession
addressed by M. Maro Michel Bousqaet, publisher at Lausanne,
to Voltaire at Colmar, whom he thanks for having sent two
extracts of the abridgement of the ' Histoire Universelle ' pub-
lished by Jean N6aulme, in order to shield him from loss. He is
astonished to hear that Voltaire thinks of issuing a new edition
at Geneva through the intermediation of Professor Vemet, as he
had hoped to be henceforth the sole publisher of Voltaire, and
that he (Voltaire) would come to live in Switzerland, the only
country that suited his health and his affairs. He offers to
publish an authorised edition of his works.'
Shortly afterwards, in writing (February 12, 1754) from
Colmar to M. Clavel de Brenles (1717-1771), the able juris-
consult, litterateur, and friend of the de Bochats, Voltaire
says:
< Mme. GroU and M. Dupont had already acquainted me with
the yalue of your society, and your letter of friendly advice con-
firms all that they have said of you. It is true, Monsieur, that
I have always had in view to end in a free country and in a
healthful climate the short and unhappy career to which man is
condemned. Lausanne has appeared to me the country made for
a solitary being and for an ill one. I had the design of retiring
thither two years ago, notwithstanding the bounties with which
the King of Prussia overwhelmed me. The rigorous climate of
Berlin did not agree with my feeble constitution. The Messieurs
> This and the preceding letter are original autographs in the author's
QSpublU^ed GoUeotions.
120 HISTOEIC STUDIES IN
of ihe Council of Berne promised me their benevolence by tlie
hand of their chancellor. M. Poller de Bottena has written me
several letters of invitation. That which I received from you
strongly augments my desire to go to Lausanne. If M. Boosquet
would publish an edition of my real works, which I venture to
tell you are unknown and which have always been printed in a
ridiculous manner, it would be an amusement for me in the soli-
tude which my age, bad health, and tastes prescribe. ... I
have for a long time had the honour to know M. de Montolieu.
His society will add a charm to my life in my retreat. Permit
me here to assure him of my devotion.'
The family of Baron de Montolieu was originally from Lan-
guedoc. The Baron himself was remarkable for his charming
manners and varied accomplishments. Six years earlier (1748)
Voltaire had said in a letter to M. d'Amaud, literary agent of
the Duke of Wurtemburg as well as of the King of Prussia, ' I
envy you the Princes of Wurtemburg. . . . If M. de Montolieu
is the same that I saw at Berlin and at Bayreuth, I leave in
despair at not having seen him again.' At a later date in the
same year he prays d'Amaud to present ' my profound respect
and my tender thanks to the Duke of Wurtemburg, and not to
forget M. de Montolieu.'
In the manuscripts which I found in La Grotte there is a
letter addressed to Mme. de Bochat from Stuttgart, February
29, 1764, by Mme. de Montolieu, wife of the younger Baron,
giving an interesting account of the court of the Duke of Wur-
temburg; and mentioning that her husband had gained four
prizes out of six (including the first prize) at the royal car*
rousel, consisting of three diamond rings and two gold snuff-
boxes.
The writer of this sprightly letter, first wife of de Monto-
lieu's son, was Mile, de SuUens, whose mother was an intimate
friend of Mme, de Bochat. Her father was seignior of Sullens,
bourgeois of Morges, and colonel of a Swiss regiment in the
service of Spain. The elder sister of Mme. de Montolieu
married Charles d'Albenas, of a noble fimiily of Nlmes, which
took refuge in the Pays de Yaud on account of religion.
M. d'Albenas was at this time, through his wife, seignior of
SuUens, and they were sojourning in France, Mme. de Men*
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 121
tolieu the elder died in 1757/ and her daughter-in-law within
two decades. In 1786, M. deMontolieu the younger married
as his second wife Elizabeth Polier de Bottens, known in the
literary world as the Baroness de Montolieu.
On March 11, 1754, M. Simon du Goudray writes to M. de
Yoltaire at Colmar. He speaks of a promissory note of
Dabillon, and says that he will persuade the latter to pay it
with good grace. It appears that some gazetteer had said that
M. Simon da Coudray had settled more than twenty odd suits.
He asks Voltaire to tell him who this was. He would be glad
to have the aSSdr of Voltaire with the succession of M. and
Mme. d'Estairey settled, but it will be necessary to await an
order of Parliament. M. du Goudray can be of use to M. de
Voltaire, being on intimate terms with the President, M. Mold.
It is not yet known when the Parliament will sit.'
CHAPTER CVm
VoLTAiBE keeps up an active correspondence from Colmar con-
cerning his literary work, and his endeavour to find agreeable
abodes within the Pays de Vaud and in Genevan territory.
Referring to a letter from him of March 19, 1754, Marc
Michel Bousquet, the printer^ in a letter of April 9, 1754,
assures Voltaire that he will be as free at Lausanne as in
England. He gives him his word of honour as to the truth of
this, and M. de Brenles ofiers to do the same. Voltaire might
make a visit to Lausanne incognito and see for himself that he
does not exaggerate, and he points out the route to take.
M. Polier de Bottens has just been invested with the highest
ecclesiastical position of the town ; Voltaire would have in him
a friend of much authority, and he can see in M. Philibert's
> Before ezpiring Mme. de Montolien handed her husband a paper eontain-
ing advice, and exhortation to work out his own salyation. Writing to
C3iancellor de Lachebodie, Baron de Montolieu enclosed this paper, and requested
hiin to have three copies made by M. D6aux— one lor his son, the younger
Baron, one for M. d'Albenas, his son's brother-in-law, and one for his sister,
Madame de Beyille. — Unpublished letter (August 22, 1757), found by the author
in La Grotte, with a memorandum distinctly showing that this communication
was from the elder Baron de Montolien.
' Author's unpoblished collections.
122 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
edition what may be expected on this point. What Voltaire
needs is to ha^e his works printed under his own eyes in a
neutral and free country, and by the hands of a printer who
looks more to his honour than his self-interest ; and Lausanne
and he (Bousquet) fulfil these conditions.^
Twelve days later (April 21), Mme. de Champbonin writes
to Voltaire :
' A terrible malady called inflammation of the diest placed
Gros Chat ' in the greatest danger ; and if at that time I had
received the letter which you write to me to-day, I feel to my
joy that you would have restored my health on the instant.
Alas ! what power has not friendship, and the hope of seeing
you ? I thought that I should not have the strength to reply
to yon, as I can hardly hold my pen. I shall take the mail-
coach to come and seek you at Colmar, and your niece at Paris,
and when you are both arrived at the Hermitage dee Petiies
FemmeSy I shall ask for nothing more than room for my friend,
her children, and myself; the rest shall be yours, on condition
that we may go every day to receive your benediction and talk
evil things about the wolves and the tigers, and that we may
say a thousand praises of the rats. But do not give me any
more vain hopes ; you must make a good resolution, come and
demolish the Grange of Gros Chat, and construct a villa in its
place. Ton will have before your eyes a fine garden which I
have made, and for a landscape the fields. Until then you will
not be too badly lodged in the new apartment which we have
arranged.
' M. du Ch&telet is at Cirey. He writes me that this winter
has destroyed many things at his ch&teau, and that he will be
ruined in repairs. He expects his son at the end of the month ;
they will return together to Lorraine. Could you not arrive at
our Hermitage during this time, and realise all the channing
things which you deign to write to me ? They will place me
for ever at your feet, if you keep your word — and to whom
should it be kept if not to Friendship ? ' '
■ From the unpublished MS. ooUeotions of the author. Iiater both Bousquet
and Gnisset fell into disgrace through their conduct towards Voltaire.
' The poet called Mme. de Champbonin ' Mon Ghros Ghat'
' Dated April 21, 1754. From the author's unpublished MS. ooUeotions.
The son of M. du Ch&telet alluded to was a Girondu, guillotined in 1794, his
VAUD, BERNE. AND SAVOY 123
A week later Mme. de Champbonin writes to Voltaire :
' M. le Ck)mte Gontenot is neither as proud nor as liappy as
Gros Chat. Tonr friendship and the hope of seeing yoa soon
has almost entirely restored my health and strength, and I
flatter myself I shall have the honour to resemble Samson on
your arrival. But while working all these miracles on your old
friend, the contrary will happen if you deceiye my hopes. Do
you suppose a very tender mistress has less desire to see her
lover again ? I have not forgotten that it is more than five years
since I saw yon, and I tremble lest some obstacle should stop you
on the road. All the petUes femmes entreat you, and would like
to see the building commenced to which they will go to receive
your blessing ; but I am sure that it will not be the flattering
letters of a certain Prince which will prevent this project at
present. I return thanks to God every day for having made
me nothing more than a Gros Chat, and for having learned in
your works how to think. It is to you that I owe the first
movements of friendship and gratitude, and I shall be still more
in your debt if it is true that I shall have the honour to see you
the architect of the de Champbonins, as you have been of my
sentiments. ... I have not been able to await your reply to my
last letter, because it seemed to me that I had too feebly indi-
cated my longing to see you, but it is quite certain that you
cannot doubt it, nor leave quickly enough to arrive at our
colony. I wrote to you that you would find a suitable apart-
ment, either upstairs or down ; but tell me promptly at what
time you hope to come. We occupy ourselves only with you,
and we shall be still more occupied with the desire to please and
convince you of the entire attachment of the peiites fem/mesJ ^
The Hermitage of Mme. de Champbonin was in the neigh-
bourhood of the Ch&teau of Cirey, not &r from Vassy in Cham-
pagne. Tears before, Voltaire, while residing with his intimate
friend Mme. du Chatelet, and superintending the erection
of Cirey, wrote at the bottom of a letter of Mme. du
■on the General (AohUle) escaping a like late by Buioide. Their reiidenoe was
al Anteail.
> From the anihor's unpublished MS. ooUeetions. Mme. de Ohampbonin
was a coosin of Voltaire who at one time thought of marrying his nieee (after-
wards Mme. Denis) to M. de Champbonin fiUt who had sometimes aoted as his
aecretaiy during his residenoe with Mme. du Ch4telet at Cirey. M. de Champ-
bonin was afterwards lieutenant in the regiment of Baufiremont.
124 HISTORIC STUDIBS IN
Chatelet the following lines to his constant correspondent^
Mme. de Champbonin :
« C'est I'arohiteeto d'Bmilie
Qui oe petit mot vous 6orit ;
Je me sers de sa plnme, et non de son g^nie ;
Mais je vous aime, aimable ami :
Ce seal mot vaut beaocoap d'esprit.*
Bonsqnet (April SO, 1754) writes that he ardently wishes
to see Voltaire at Lausanne, and will come to meet him if he
wishes it. He saw yesterday Major (Croasaz) de Pr6laz,
who did not think Voltaire woald come. M. de Brenles, jnst
made Lieutenant Bailiff in place of his deceased friend M. de
Loys de Bochat, would be greatly disappointed in such a case.
He sends the compliments ot Messieurs de Brenles and de
Bottens. He is not sure whether Voltaire has the eight volumes
of the * Memoirs of the Abb6 de Montgon,' which he prefers to
the ' Esprit des Nations,' published at Geneva. He asks for
information concerning a work entitled ' Le Th^&tre de M. de
Voltaire' published in his name, and of which he knows
nothing.^
Bousquet again writes (May 14) that he finds nothing
decided in Voltaire's letters concerning his project of establish*
ing himself at Lausanne, notwithstanding all the satis&ctory
things that respectable persons have written to him. M. des
Oloires, who is about the same age as Voltaire, has taken a wife
and built a house at Lausanne.' Mme. de Ctoll will inform him
shortly of the new honour which M. de Brenles has received.
The want of books need not prevent Voltaire coming. They
exist in the library, in the collections of many private indivi-
duals, and in his own, and he can always send abroad for
more.' (This information is interesting in connection with
Oibbon's later experience and resources in the matter of books
at Lausanne.)
* Unpublished MS. oolleotiosfl of the author.
* M. des Gloires was a Frenchman established at Laasanne, where he kept
open house. He had married Mile, de Chandieu, the younger sister of Mme.
de Chabot.
' Unpublished MS. oollections of the author.
VAUD, BEBNB, AND SAVOY 12S
^
CHAPTER CIX
YoL.TAiR£ tells M. de Brenles, Angust 18, 1754: 'I nnder-
stand that there is quite a pretty property to sell on the
boTdera of the Lake of Geneva. If the price does not exceed
200,000 livres de France, the desire to be your neighbour will
determine noe. ... It makes no difference to me if it be at five
or six leagues from Lausanne. ... In fact, if there is an agree-
able property to sell in your Canton, I pray you to have the
kindness to let me know, but it should be kept secret.' Two
months later: 'I haye formed an idea that the territory of
Lausanne is like that of Attica. ... I pray yon to tell me if a
Catholic may possess real estate, and whether he can enjoy the
rights of the hovfrgmsie at Lausanne.'
He sees the Advoyer of Berne, de Steiguer (1729-1799), who
is informed of his desire to retire to the borders of the beautiful
lake, ' like Amadeus at Bipaille.' In December he writes from
Prangins,' where he was then staying with one of his nieces,
that he would go immediately to Lausanne if be were not
detained by a gouty rheumatism, for which he intends to take
the baths of Air, in Savoy. Again : ' I fear that you are as ill
as I am. Mme. OoU made me anxious about your chest, and
nothing will reassure me but a letter from you. ... I have
been told of a house near Lausanne called '* La Grotte," where
there is a fine garden. It is also reported that M. d'Herwart
[son of the late British Minister at Berne], who has a very
pretty house near Vevey, might let it. Permit me to ask your
opinion upon these arrangements. ... I do not know if M. des
Gloires is at Lausanne, but he appeared to have so much merit
that I believe him to be your friend.'
Beferring to the death of M. GroU, Voltaire says : * I have
this moment received a letter from poor Mme. GoU. Her
experience is very sad in having been obliged to marry a GoU
' Louis Oaiger, or Giger, a rich banker of St. Gall, porohased the barony of
Pnuigins m 1723, and built a kind of palace whose facade was lighted on the
£xBi floor by thirteen windows. King Joseph Bonaparte bec:ame proprietor of
this ch4teatt in 1814. It now belongs to Prince Vietor Bonaparte.
126 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
and to have lost him ; ' and he hopes that she will come to reside
with him and Mme. Denis.
Still fhrther to de Brenles : ^ I am making every effort, ill
as I am, to approach yon and to enjoy yonr real presence. I
had already concluded for Monrion without having seen it, and
I flatter myself that M. de Oiez ^ will sign the contract with
none but me. • . • Mme. Goll no longer writes to me ; I wish
she would come and share with us at Monrion the possession of
the fields, the vineyards, the pigeons, and the poultry, of which
I hope to be the owner.*
He also hopes to see the de Brenles at Monrion in the
spring. In another letter : ^ I am told there is at Monrion
neither garden for summer, nor fireplace nor chimney for
winter. . • . Mme. GtoM tolls me that she does not know yet
when she can quit Colmar ; consequently, instead of having a
friend with me, I shall find myself reduced to teke a house-
keeper, for I shall need one to conduct a house which will
contain, in spite of my philosophy, eight or nine domestics.'
He complains of the absence of pleasure boats on the Lake
of Geneva, which reminds one that the Emperor Joseph U.
made the same remark, using the words ' Quel d6sert aquatiqne ! '
What would they say of the animated waters of to-day and the
brilliant fleet of steam yachte ?
M. Montp^roux, French Minister at Geneva, thanks Voltaire,
January 28, 1755, for his complimento. ' I wish I had a house
[here] to offer you ; I should have looked upon it as a favour if
you were to accept it ; I cannot be too near to you. I have
followed my own tastes in doing my best to induce you to oome
to St. Jean. In having thus obliged myself I owe you my
gratitude. I do not think, Sir, that Mme. de Gallatin considers
she has any claims upon you. She may have taken that view
so long as those of M. Mallet were not asserted, but I can
assure you that she no longer entertains any claim. It is true
that there have been many matters for discussion, but everything
is terminated in the manner which you would desire.' It is for
Voltaire to decide whether he shall write or go in person to
present his petition to the Council.'
■ M. de Oies was Voltaire's banker. He died about ten monthe later.
* Author's unpublished MS. colleotions.
VAUD, BEHNE, AKD SAVOY 127
M. Montp^rooz was named in 1760 at the Ch&tean of
Femeyy and styled 'Baron' in the ^Almanach Royal/ 1761.
He was appointed to Geneva in 1750, and fifteen yean later
died there, being sncoeeded as resident by P. M. Hennin.'
Voltaire informs M. de firenles, January 31, 1755, that the
house (St. Jean, afterwards Les D^lioes, near Geneya) which he
is abont to boy is valued at one-third more than it is worth,
*bnt it is charming and entirely furnished; the gardens are
delicious and nothing is wanting. One must know how to pay
dear for pleasure and convenience.' He would like Prfilaz, but
there is only one apartment there, and he has his niece with
him.*
The registers of the Council of Geneva, February 1, 1755,
contain the permission accorded to the ' sieur de Voltaire ' to
inhabit the territory of the Republic in order to be nearer to his
Doctor, Tronchin. This privilege was granted upon the motion
of the Conncillor Franpois Tronchin, brother of the doctor. The
Troncbins served as intermediators between Voltaire and the
Genevan authorities. Each time that the author's petulance
made him commit some imprudence or folly a Tronchin was
always ready to repair or palliate the mischief.
I take this occasion to give some account of this interesting
fiimily and its eminent members.
ITie Tronchins were originally from Provence, where in
the fourteenth century they were seigniors of Mazan. In the
sixteenth they were among the first to embrace the Reformation,
and were obliged to leave their country. One branch migrated
to Holland. That of Geneva was founded by the captain of
cavalry Remi Tronchin, who having been saved by a friend, a
priest, from the massacre of St. Bartholomew, entered the service
of tlie Republic and attracted the attention of Henry IV., who
* Pierre Michel Hennin (1728-1807), ft French diplomatist of distinction,
who accompanied the Count de Broglie, Ambassador of France, to Poland, gave
proofs of remarkable capacity, gaining the confidence of Louis XV. He
asaisted at the Congress of Augsburg in 1761, became Minister Besident in
Poland, then in Switzerland, and powerfully contributed to appease the troubles
which rent Geneva. It was at this epoch that he repaired to Ferney and saw
Voltaire, with whom thenceforward he kept up a correspondence which was
published by his son under the title Correspondance iiUdiU de Voltaire avec
Bennin, Paris 1825. ., . ^
* Pr^Iaz was a house and domain of the family of Crousaz, seigniors o(
Corsier in a gff»^^^"g Taiiey, half a league to the north-west of Lausanne.
128 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Bought ansacoessfuUy his military services. His son Thtedore
was godson of Th6odore de Bdsse, and fix)m that &moua Hngaenot
inherited not only his library but a large part of the great
authority which de Bdze had exercised over the Protestant
communion. From that time the Tronchins, both in church
and state, have occupied the highest places and performed much
useful work.
In the eighteenth century four of the family were especially
conspicuous : (1) The Procureur-G6n6ral Jean Bobert Tronchin
(1710-1793), who in the course of his public duties proceeded
against certain works of Rousseau and various writings of
Voltaire. This intimate friend of Montesquieu increased his
celebrity by ^ Lettres de la Gampagne,' to which Jean Jaoqnes
replied in his &mous ' Lettres de la Montague.' (2) Doctor
Theodore Tronchin (1709-1781), for many years the medical
attendant and friend of Voltaire, and considered by him ' the
worthy successor of the celebrated de Boerhaave.' (3) Robert
Tronchin (1702-1788), a banker of eminence at Paris and
Lyons, who in 1762 succeeded M. d'Epinay in the office of
fermieT ghUral^ and fixing his residence at Paris, kept open
house and enjoyed large influence at Court. (4) Next to the
doctor, Francois Tronchin, 1704-1798 (invariably called the
Councillor, because he had belonged to the Petit Conseil of
Geneva for a period of fifteen years), was the most intimately
associated with Voltaire. He and the circle of his fiiends
have been most delightfully described by his descendant,
M. Henry Tronchin.*
Francois Tronchin went to Paris to complete his education,
where he passed several years with his brother Robert. He
firequented the theatres, and upon one occasion (1722) he
chanced to see in the amphitheatre of the Com^e Fran^aiae a
very thin young man in a black costume, with a long natural
perruque, who spoke to an unknown person sitting beside him,
who asked how he was, ' Toujours allant et soufirant,' was the
reply. A moment after he heard that the young man was
Voltaire, who lived fifty-six years longer, 'toujours allant et
soufirant.' In 1734 l\x)nchin's tragedy 'Marie Stuart' was
1 Le ConseUUr Frai^oia Tronchin ei ses Amis, Voltaire, Diderot, OHmm^
de., par Henri Tronohin. Parw, 1896. From unpabliahed dooumeats.
VAUB. BEKNE. AND SAVOY 129
played at the Th^&tre Franpais, and afterwards before the court
at Fontainebleau. Two years later he married in Paris, bnt
definitely took up his residence at Geneva, in a small country-
house situated on the hill-side of St. Jean, on the borders of
the Bhdne just at the point where the river quits the town.
He passed his time in civic duties, literary labours, the search
for pictures, and the society of a circle of devoted firiends, until
1754, when Voltaire arrived at Geneva, and introduced a more
active element into his hitherto peaceable life.
Our Philosopher, who was not a philosopher, had numerous
money transactions with Francois Tronchin. He wrote to him
at each instant and on every subject. On his side, the Councillor
went daily to see Voltaire, and had the habit of committing to
paper, while his impressions were fresh, whatever struck him in
Voltaire's conversations. Some of these anecdotes are to be
found in the ' Etrennes Nationales.'
Voltaire was now in one of his impossible procrastinating
moods, and writes to M. de Brenles, February 9, 1755, to say
that he finds the house of M. d'Herwart too large for him, and
mentions again Les D^lices, which was situated near the
Councillor Tronchin's residence and belonged to the Councillor
Mallet.
He had in fact simultaneously entered on negotiations con-
cerning properties in several different places, at the risk of leav-
ing his intermediators in embarrassing positions. In December
1754, and January and February 1755, he was bargaining for
La Grotte, Pr61az, Monrion near Lausanne, M. d'Herwart's
house at Hauteville near Vevey, M. Pictet's house at Nyon,
and for the country-seat of Mme. Susanne de Gallatin-Vaudenet
at Cologny, in the neighbourhood of Geneva.
Voltaire's hesitations and withdrawals occasioned a coolness
with Mme. de Gallatin, though their relations afterwards
became of a most friendly nature,* She was a woman of
strong character and many friends, among them, besides
Voltaire, being Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel. Mr.
Henry Adams, in his admirable * Life of Albert Gallatin,' tells
' In the author's cmpubliBhed MS. ooleotions is a letter from Mme. de
Gallatin to Voltaire, from Prigny, September 26, 1777, in which she thanks him
for hifi innumerable kindnesses, and promises * reoonnoiasance 6temelle.' She
ngns herself * Gallatin, nie Yaudenet*
VOL. n. K
1
ISO mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
US that the Landgrave sent to Mme. Gallatin his portrait,
upon which Voltaire wrote for her a copy of verses addressed
to the Landgrave, beginning :
* J'ai bais^ oe portrait oharmant,
Je vons Tavo^rai sans myst^.
Mes fillefl en ont fait aatant,
Mais o'est on seoret qa*il faat taire.' >
The family of Gallatin, of Italian origin, figures as early as
1258. A century and a half later they were seigniors of
Granges, an estate in Bugey, then in Savoy and now in the
Department of the Ain, France, midway between Geneva and
Lyons. Li 1510 the then Jean de Gallatin, for reasons
unknown, quitted his seigniories and his post as secretary to
Dake Philibert of Savoy, and settled as a citizen of Geneva.
He was appointed by the Pope in 1522 Apostolic Judge, but
linking himself with the fortunes of Geneva became a Member
of the Council, and joined in the decree of 1535 which abrogated
the power of the Pope. * After the elevation of Geneva,* says
Mr. Adams, 'to the rank of a sovereign republic in 1535, the
history of the Gallatins is the history of the city.'
Albert Gallatin ^ was the son of Jean de Gallatin, and his
mother was Sophie Albertine Bolaz du Rosey.* Among the
documents which I discovered in La Grotte were many relating
to her ancestors and to herself. I found that through the
noble house of Manlich she was related to the Deyverduns and
their connections, de Crinsoz seigniors of Gottens, de Leys, de
Crousaz, de Praroman, de Gingins barons de La Sarraz, Molin de
Montagny, de Treytorrens of Payeme, du Plessis of Bavois, de
Saussure barons of Bercher, de Hennezel seigniory of St. Martin,
1 She was the grandmother of Albert Gallatin (1761-1849), member of the
United States Ck>ngress, Senator, Secretary of the Treasury 1801-1813, Com-
missioner to Ghent, United States Minister to Franoe 1815-1823, and Ministtf
to England 1826-1831. Mr. John Austin Stevens very justly says : ' By his
political life Mr. Gallatin acquired an American reputation ; by his manage-
ment of the finances of the IJnited States he placed himself among the first
political economists of the day; but his masterly conduct of the Treaty of
Ghent showed him the equal of the best of European stateszaen on their own
peculiar ground of diplomacy.'
* The Gh&teau of Bosay or Rosey, mentioned in Ohaptor LIII., lies ten
minutes to the west of Bolle, between that town and the vineyards of the Cdte.
It came to Noble Guillaume de Bolaz in the seventeenth oentary, through his
marriage with the Noble Madeleine de Steiguer, heiress of de Steiguer, Baron of
Bolle, of a governing family of Berne.
41
VAUD. BEBNB, AND SAVOY ISl
de L&vigny seigniors of BeroUe, Willermin barons of Mont-
richer, and de Stnrler of Berne.
Voltaire's indecision was finally ended by Robert Tronchin's
consenting to loan his name for the purchase of St. Jean (Les
D61ices) at 87,000 firancs. In the coarse of the negotiations
Francois Tronchin found great difficulty in arranging matters
between Voltaire and Mallet, the proprietor, who was so
badgered by the Philosopher that he finally threw in a variety
of matters, among others a coach on which Voltaire insisted.
Robert Tronchin, having bought St. Jean, gave the use to
Voltaire by a lease indefinitely renewable, dated February 11,
1755, on the understanding that he should receive back
38,000 francs whenever Voltaire should quit the house; and
diis amount he did receive five and a half years later.
Voltaire writes, February 9, to M. de Brenles : ^ I shall be
very much obliged if you will continue M. de 6iez in the dis-
position of the house and garden of Monrion to me, or at
least what passes for a garden. . • . The proprietor of Monrion
is rather difficult. . . . The bargain for St. Jean has just been
concluded. ... I shall call it Les D6lices when I have had the
honour to receive you in it. Les D61ices will be for the summer,
Monrion for the winter, and you for all seasons.'
Les D61ices is on the road to Nyon, fifteen minutes from
Creneva. I visited it a century and a quarter after Voltaire's
occupation (1755-1760). Between Femey and Les D61ices one
winds through a series of country lanes, now (September 23,
1879) full of verdure. We enter the • Chemin Colladon,' and
passing later through the village of Petit Sacconay, stop for
a moment on the brow of the hill near the Asile des Vieillards,
and under a fine avenue of chestnuts recall Voltaire's assertion,
when he purchased the place, that he would * plant chestnut-
trees on the terrace, and considerably embellish the house.'
Southward, Oeneva is beneath us ; its cathedral looms up
amidst the crowd of smaller buildings. The lake resembles a
river. The Petit and the Grand Saldve mountains are on the
right, and Mont Blanc is far away to the south.
We now traversed the village of Grand Pr6 and reached the
oetroi station of Geneva, then ascending the narrow rue des
I>^lices we stopped before iron gates, bearing the sign of a
X 2
132 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
florist who occupies the Lodge. Entering, we found ourselves
within the domain of Les D61ices, lately a young ladies' boarding-
school.
The house is square, with ten windows on each side, save the
rear — ^I always count the windows of Voltaire's residences, as he
was particular to do this himself — whence a long, narrow build-
ing connects the range of offices with the mansion. This con-
tains a gallery of paintings which the old woman in charge tells
me belonged to Voltaire ! In firont and rear there is a grove
of large chestnuts, and there are remains of a covered walk.
The interior remains as in Voltaire's time, except that it
has been newly painted, and there is no furniture in the
rooms.
The vestibule is about fifteen feet by twelve. On the left
is a small salon with three windows, and containing an ancient
mirror ; we then come to the dining-room, whose windows look
on the grove, terrace, and grounds. This room like the others
is wainscotted, and five panels contain large landscapes painted
in oil on canvas. The grand salon is lighted by two large
windows, and a door opens down to the lawn. Here the carving
on the panels is finely executed, but not extensive. There are
four mirrors with tables beneath in the style of Louis XV. On
the same side is another large room, and behind this another
wainscotted in oak, with a range of closets at one end, and a
porcelain stove. A stone staircase leads to the ample kitchens,
whose floors (cement) are partly underground. On tihe
second floor are ten rooms, many retaining the windows with
small panes of Voltaire's day ; and above these are several good
rooms under the roof, and ample garrets still higher up.
It is difficult to repeople this deserted abode, and realise
the statement that Voltaire here began the enjoyment of the
fortune he had hitherto administered almost with parsimony,
and assumed the style of opulence and hospitality which after-*
wards distinguished his social relations. Here he constructed
a theatre, and one of the first visitors to Les D6lices was Lekain,
who came to create the r61e of Osman in * L'Orphelin de la
Chine.' Although the Genevan authorities warmly opposed the
theatrical idea, Voltaire drew his amateur actors and actresses
from the social centre of Calvin's city,
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 138
He wrote from Femey, Jannary 27, 1769, to Lekain the
following letter, which has not been published :
' I have asked, my dear Friend, the publisher Pankouke to
let yon have the Qrani and the Petit Sidcle. It is said that you
prevent the Petit Sidde from falling into the mire, and that you
are almost the only one who upholds it by your talents. Tou
are not only a very great actor yourself, but you create actors
also. Endeavour then to bring good taste back into fashion, aa
yon have revived fine declamation. Tell Mile. Vestris, I pray
you, how much I am interested in her successes.
^ I have heard some talk about the things of which you write
me a few words. I imagine they will progress favourably since
yon are concerned in the matter. You are not the man to do
things by halves ; and when the angels are on one's side, one is
very strong. It is time that comic opera and Nicolet's monkey
were not the only matters to do honour to the nation.
' There was formerly a pretty lady who had much wit. She
protected the Catilina of Cr6billon, and did not wish you to be
admitted to the Com6die [Fran9aiBe]. The public is rather
more jnst, but only in the long run ; it is an untamed and a
capricious horse which does not go well until it has been a long
time led.
* I embrace you, my dear Friend ; you are the best horseman
in the world. V.'*
> Aathor'8 MS. colleotions. Jean Baptiste Nicolet (1710-1796), a celebrated
theatrical manager, possessed a monkey which imitated the actors of the day.
Molet, of the Th6&tre Fran^ais, having fallen ill, Nicolet contrived to teach the
^nimi^l to ape that eminent comedian, and all Paris trooped to see the cnrions
performance. The Chevalier de BonfBers composed some hnmorons lines upon
the oocaaion :
Qnel est ce gentil animal
Qui, dans ces jours de camaval,
Toame A Paris tontes les t6tes,
£t pour qui Ton donne des fdtes ?
Ce ne pent fttre que Molet
On le singe de Nicolet, &o.
184 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
CHAPTER OX
While Voltaire was pottering about for a residence, the corre-
spondence between him and Allamand began which I found in
the hands of Mme. Bergier of Lausanne, in 1879. These un-
published letters have been in the family for a century, it being
the representative in the female line of M. Allamand. Voltaire's
letters range from January 15, 1755, to April 1, 1772, the first
being dated from Prangins, the others from Monrion, Les
Ddlices, and Femey. They were all sent through the post. Of
the twenty-one letters of Voltaire ten retain their seals, in red
wax, with the arms — ^three golden flames on an azure field.
Allamand's epistles, eleven in number (of which I publish
nine), begin February 17, 1755, ending October 24, 1770, and
are dated from Bex and Oorsier. While Voltaire's letters are
very spiriluelles, those of Allamand are quite as valuable and
interesting for the history of the epoch, showing the relations of
Allamand with Voltaire and the occasional wise coimsels of the
former to the Sage of Monrion. Three or four are polemical or
critical concerning various works; the handwriting of Alla-
mand is very small and cramped, and being hasty copies of the
originals it is sometimes difllcult to decipher them. I owe the
right to publish these latter letters to the courtesy of M. Bergier
Jils, who as long ago as June 1880 sent them to me through
M. Piccard, commissary-general at Lausanne.'
Allamand was also on terms of intimacy with Rousseau ; the
latter, indeed, resided with him for a time at Vufflens, but his
letters have disappeared.
The Pastor Allamand was one of the best minds of the Pays
de Vaud in the last century. Son of a regent of the College of
Lausanne, Francois Louis Allamand was bom in that city in
1710, being the elder brother of Jean Allamand, F.R.S. (1713-
1787), the famous philosopher and naturalist who became the
* Letter of M. Jules Piocard to the aathor, June 18, 1880. It required the
nnited skiU and patience of M. Piccard and M. da Mont, cantonal librarian, to
decipher the originals, in French, of M. Allamand's letters.
YAUI), BEBinS, AKD SAVOY 135
sacceBBor of S'Oraresande at Leyden, and afterwards president
of the Uniyersity in that city.
A few years after the consecration of Francois AUamand, in
1732, some unfortunate family circumstances caused him to reside
abroad some years. He passed nearly eight years in France,
Holland, and perhaps in Germany, as governor, man of letters,
pastor, and even, it appears, as political agent. It was during
his sojourn in France in 1744 that he wrote the ' Lettre sur les
Assemblies des Beligionnaires en LEmguedoc,' of which Gibbon
speaks, and which made a great noise among the French
protestants. Betuming to Yaud in 1749, he was pastor in
succession at Ormont-dessus, at Bex, and from the year 1764 at
Corsier, near Vevey. After unsuccessftilly contending for a
chair of theology at Lausanne in 1751 and 1761, and for a pro-
fessorship of philosophy at Berne in 1752, he was in 1773
appointed to the chair of Greek and of Ethics in the Academy
of Lausanne. He was rector of the Academy from 1775 to
1778, and died April 8, 1784. The Academy has perhaps
counted few professors so distinguished by intellect, science, and
the 'power of interesting his audience ; and one can only regret
that he arrived so late at the position of professor, and that he
wrote so little.
Besides the Lettre^ etc., above mentioned, he was the author
of two able and witty pamphlets : ' Pens6es Antiphilosophiques '
(La Ebkye, 1751), answering Diderot's ' Pens6es Philosophiques ' ;
and ' L'Anti-Bemier, on Nouveau Dictionnaire de Th6ologie '
(1770), a polemic against d'Holbach's 'Th^ologie Portative,
on Dictionnaire abr^6 de la Religion Chr6tienne.' His
unpublished manuscripts comprise fourteen volumes of ser-
mons (1748-1778): ^Harmonies et Paraphrase de THistoire
Evang61ique ; ' ' Plan d'Etudes ; ' and five volumes of frag-
ments.
Allamand ably turned against the Encyclopaadists the arms
they thought they alone had the right or the address to use.
After having read his writings, one can understand that Voltaire
should hold his judgment in the highest honour. It is well known
that when the Patriarch of Monrion and Femey had given a
pamphlet to the public he invariably asked, ^ Do you know what
Allamand says of it ? '
186 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
The two letters of Allamand to Gibbon, published in the
latter's Miscellaneons Works, contain a remarkable criticism
npon the ' sensualism ' of Locke's philosophy. Dagald Stewart,
in his ^ General View/ eulogises him highly, and translates one
of Allamand's letters in his second volume.
Professor Vuilleumier wrote to me October 6, 1879: 'As
to the judgment which Gibbon passed upon Allamand, it must
be said that if on one side he exalted him beyond measure in
calling him " a genius that might have enlightened or deluded
the world/' on the other he wronged him by treating him as a
sceptic, preaching to his flock things he did not believe. With-
out doubt the orthodoxy of Allamand was not irreproachable ;
and his turn of mind, his dialectic virtuosity, drew him on too
often to the dangerous play of sustaining in a discussion both
the 'pro and the ccm of the question. But nothing in his printed
works, or in his manuscripts in the Cantonal Library, can justify
the grave charge of his admirer.'
The series of letters from M. Allamand, which are now
printed for the first time, is a valuable example of the ideas of a
class of men in the Church in the last century, whose minds were
BO influenced by superior human intellectuality as to lead them
to give forth uncertain sounds on various principles involved in
Christianity. Allamand being brought into relations with
Voltaire, was led at times to utterances quite at variance with
his published writings ; so much so, that here and there we
are led to ask. Was this man a Christian or a sceptic ? Yet
though so entirely under the spell, he nevertheless felt impelled
by his conscience now and then to urge upon Voltaire the
desirability of examining the Gospel for its value and usefulness,
and not for the sake of finding fault.
Voltaire's genius was more brilliant than profound. His
self-esteem alone was sublime. As a fighter against tyranny,
either under religious, judicial or political forms, he was an
element of good, and this portion of his work will remain.
The ideas of justice which he formulated have borne ample
fruit. His fight against that perverted portion of what is
called religion which is the creation of man and not of God,
was a wholesome fight. It was one which compelled the
leaders of religion of every sect to moderate their passions,
VAUD, BKRNE. AND SAVOY 137
and to endeavonr to imitate, at least fiuntly, the teachings of
Our Lord.
One feature in Yoltaire's character ' covers a mnltitnde of
sins.' When his anger or prejudices were not aroused and
his sympathies were appealed to, his charity was unlimited.
His correspondence abounds with evidence of this fact, and
the letters I give also illustrate it. I have examined hundreds
of unpublished oommunications addressed to him during his
long life, containing appeals from every quarter of the globe
and from persons of every possible condition. In many of
these cases the requests were more than met, and it is sad to
reflect that one who possessed such a persuasive and fascinat-
ing intellect and such frequent generous impulses, should have
devoted himself to the futile attempt of pulling up Christianity
by the roots. His efforts produced incalculable misery and
destroyed the faith of thousands ; but the reaction has set in,
and even in his own country among the mass of the people
there is a revival of religious thought and aspiration.
The longer one lives and the more one's experience increases,
the smaller appear the men whom humanity has called great,
and the more overwhelmingly immense appear the universe,
its Buler, and His manifestation in the form of the Son of
Man, who has given to the world a perfect plan of redemption
and a hope of eternal happiness. What are the dry husks
which such men as Voltaire have to offer to their deluded
followers ? Voltaire shrivels into nothingness beside the meek
and lowly figure of Our Saviour !
M. AUamand, who was at this time pastor of Bex, and after-
wards the correspondent and friend of Gibbon, writes to Voltaire,
rebruaiy 17, 1755 :
*' I feared, what has come to pass, that those gentlemen of
Geneva would take possession of you. Even though St. Jean
had not been for sale, the efforts of those gentlemen would
have placed it at your disposal. I know their zeal in such
a matter. We are too cold, either from want of warmth or
fit>m want of that self-sufficiency which Geneva possesses. In
fact, it is very true, Sir, that that town is more furnished with
comforts (Stoffee) than all ours together ; there is more money
and all of that which attracts ; and although its Academy is
188 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
only like that of Lausanne, a mann&ctory of ministers, there is
more culture of all kinds and a greater choice among their
men of letters. Oar country, however, thinks that it has the
advantage in the fact that its good society is better because
its politeness is imported, but I fear that this is pure prejudice,
and a prejudice which turns against itself. Finally, the
Genevese have done well. Who would not have done as much
in their place ? I envy them, but I do not complain of them,
for if I did my complaints would be unjust.
^ And after all, who knows if the purchase of Monrion will
not take place ? In that case, we shall have you from time to
time, and this will always be more than we deserve. I have
here a Mend, who is also the friend of M. Panchaud,^ and who
will write to him to-morrow asking him to set a reasonable
price on this property, in order that those of your Mends who
know the place may not have reason to disgust you with it ;
and suggesting that his name shall figure with yours in the
deed of sale, and that it will also survive at Monrion in your
Memoirs. Thorough merchant though he be, this will touch
him, or else I shall notify him that I will cause him to be
written against for a month in the *' Journal Helv6tique."
* Apropos, Sir, of this Journal, Geneva and Neuch&tel at
least support it. The Fays de Vaud does nothing for it as
far as I know, except that the marginal notes are from the
editor, who compiles it at Berne. I have read in one of these
notes that you have badly chosen your time to judge as to
the beauty of our country, but that until the spring and
autumn which will show you our country as it really is, a great
poet like you will understand how to cover the snow and the
ice with flowers. This made me laugh, but in fact the note is
right, since yon have discovered the beauties of St. Jean so
long before its fdte-day, which would have been the proper
time to see it.
' You will take this as a little teasdng, and it is true that
a fit of spitefulnesB has come over me, and that I have need of
the friendly words of a letter from you to appease it. Surely,
Sir, I would avaU myself of your most gracious invitation if
* Panohand is mentioned in Gtobrge Deyverdon'B Diary, and became yoltain*B
banker.
VAUD, BEBNE, AlH) SAVOY 189
it were pofisible, eyen at the risk of weakening a too fevonrable
prejudice which I should always have the consolation of having
created. How many less sweet pleasures vanish still more
rapidly ! At this moment the cold weather and the distance
would not have prevented me from knocking at your door,
if I were not confined by constant duties to my parish until
after Easter. I have ten services each week, and no assistant.
How can I appear to you anything more than I really am,
a poor village cur6 ?
' But when yon see me face to face you will find that that is
all that I am, for nature and fortune were unwilling to do better
for me, except that the first took the precaution to regulate my
ambition by my talents; that of being loved by you, which
greatly surpasses them, does not fail to enter and abide in my
heart ; but either your kindness is much flattered in your works,
or you will not disdain the simplicity of a character which is not
good through stupidity, for it seems to me that with more mind
it would be still better. Moreover, Sir, I ought to have some
little credit in advance with you, by whom my brother had the
honour to be known and loved at Leyden, where he is now pro-
fessor in the place of his master, the late M. S'Gravesande.
He made, in fact, some efforts to draw me to that country,
and to place in my hands the education of the young Prince
Stadtholder ; but I have had experience of these little courts.
They resemble our lakes, which are not the less tempestuous
because they are not oceans. I do not want any more such
experiences.
* Lately he b^ged me to accept the chair of M. Le Clerc,
which the Arminians would have given me. I still refused,
because, heretic for heretic, I love quite as much the bread of
Calvin as that of another, and my peasants will not be embar-
rassed if their liberty springs from indifference or from spon-
taneity, provided that I declare them to be predestined to salva-
tion when they keep the Ten Commandments. Necessarily, my
brother holds himself aloof from me on account of these refusals,
and I have not heard a word from him for the last two months.
Finally, in order that he may not make further propositions to
me, I intend to send him a copy of your letter. Shall I quit
140 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
my country when the illnstrious Voltaire arrives in it, who does
not disdain my respect for him ?
^Bat I am talking too much of myself. Your goodness
ennobles me in my own eyes, and, being praised by you, with
what else can I be filled but ideas of myself ? I shall be charmed,
Sir, if the pleasure of your new purchase shall favourably
influence your health ; for the health of great men may fail afi
well as that of others. The satisfaction of Mme. Denis must
be also a pleasure to you. How I would love our hills, our
lakes, even Geneva, if they should augment the satisfaction of
a lady of Paris, who cannot belong to you without having the
right to make the rules of taste, and if she does not regret
coming among us !
* You are thinking of Vevey ! Oh, Sir, you will not buy a
house there ! It would make me too happy, for I am only six
leagues firom that place.
* You have here a very Epistolania. What is to be done ?
Why should I send you blank paper ? But I pray you, with
clasped hands, to accept my excuses, and never make any to
me. If you only knew how much a page of writing dictated
and signed by you is worth to me, you would understand that
to receive one frequently is absolutely essential for the existence
of perfect contentment between your soul and mine.
' I have the honour to be, more than anyone in the world,
your very humble and very obedient servant,
^ Allamand, Pastor at Bex.' ^
Allamand once more to Voltaire from Bex, March 17, 1755 :
' T am charmed that you have secured Monrion, only I wish
that it was a purchase concluded rather than a simple lease.
But this is unjust, and I acknowledge it. You do wisely in
sounding the ground before engaging yourself. As soon as you
are there I will ask of you. Sir, the permission to go thither and
present my respects to you; and whenever that permission
shall be given I will go as often as I am able to get away from
here. But have no fear. My chain is very short, it binds me
* This and the saooeeding letters of Allamand in this chapter are from the
unpublished ooUeotions of Mme. Bergier of Lausanne, in the hands of M.
Bergier>lte.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY l4l
instead of discretion. It wonld accommodate me greatly to
bave a charge somewhat nearer. With time the thing will
become possible : but let ns make the best of it. You might
create one at Monrion, which is between two pretty hamlets,
where there is none. I will preach to you like Barbette. You
shall eat as many omelets during Lent as will please you, and if
I find that the Communion bread is neither fish nor flesh, we
will regale onrselYes, both of us, in your house.
* In the meanwhile, Bex is not so frightful as you may think.
It is true that a good part of my flock is quartered among the
rocks, whither only they, the chamois, and myself, could climb ;
but the principal village is in the plain at the foot of a beautiful
mountain covered with a vineyard whose wine, as you may
imagine, is delicious to drink. Six hundred paces away in front
of me I have another mountain, which is not less than 8,000 feet
in height, and from whence thirty famiUes come each Sunday to
demand of me the road to Heaven. I point it out to them in a
church of the earliest Gothic — the only one, with a single
exception, of such antiquity in the country ; but I think the
pastoral house is older. To my right flows the Rh6ne, along
the base of another chain of mountains, which you can see
whenever you please. Placed at the height of 2,000 feet above
the sea, they are possibly on a level with the Peak of Teneriffe.
Taking this into consideration, and remembering that I have a
flock who at times struggle body to body with the bears, if Bex
were written Bey, as your secretary will have it, and if it were
not so Hot away from you, why should I not say NuUua in orbe locus
Bails prcelucet amcenis ? As for my functions, I have no cause
for complaint. Every man has his folly. Ours is to think that
a minister can create in his parish what the sun creates in his
dominions — light and heat. The comparison is flattering, but
they are nearly all the fees of our livings ; and, after all, is it
not true that light and heat are needed for the moral world
as well as for the other ? And who would undertake to give
them to the peasants if God had forgotten to make the brains
which devote their vanity to it ? What I need is, I confess, an
hour's conversation every day. By dint of shining for others I
myself am becoming extinguished ; and, for the want of someone
from whom I might rekindle my fire, I feel too well that in a
142 mSTOSIC STUDIES IN
little time I shall be an encrnated snn. What can one do ? It
is this feeling which causes me anxiety. Perhaps it will dis-
appear with the rest.
' I have known Mme. de Bentinck by reputation for a very
long time. She was not in Holland when I passed through
there, and I would be charmed to make her acquaintance in
this country. She was in correspondence for a house near
Vevey, but I hear that she now decides for Lausanne. I am
very happy on your account. This lady is said to be very
amiable : and this accursed sex which lost us the terrestrial
paradise recreates it wherever it wishes, and with it the tree
and serpent it took away.
'The Genevese say they are about to publish a beautiful
edition of your works, and also one of those of M. de Montes-
quieu. I have not yet found time to read carefully " L'Esprit
des Lois." I have only gone through it cursorily, and venture
to whisper in your ear the question, Does this book merit all its
reputation ? I have read in sheets and at one sitting the first
edition of " Le Sidcle de Louis XIY." — a book which is to other
books what the century of Louis XIY. is to other centuries. I
have just received the Frankfort edition, with its impertinent
notes, and your supplement. Those who have sent out this fire-
ship against you must be really ashamed of it. I wish I had
known it in time. I would have had it sunk to the bottom by
a student in philosophy. As for you, Sir, you have done this
desperate reptile too much honour, and it is almost with vexa-
tion that I recall on this occasion the beautiful lines &om the
preface of " Catalina " :
Et Taigle, tout convert de oe sang odieax,
Le rejette en foreor, et plane an haut des oleox.
* One little word, if you please, about your health. You
have made a tour to Lausanne, where you lodged at the feet of
the bells, but I will wager that your slightest word made
more sound than they. I shall be enchanted if you were
contented with this town, which is an imperial and equestrian
city.'
He indulges in the following amusing discourse from Bex,
June 20, 1755, to Voltaire at Les D6lices :
' Pascal said that a good Christian ought to be ill. If fhia
YAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 148
is BO, behold me, Sir, in a state of grace like yourself; I have
a proof of my state in a strong inflammation wUch has seized
me by the two ears, the teeth, and the throat, without counting
the fever which does not believe a man ill in due form unless it
takes part in his malady. And what adds to the merit is, that
I got this in doing my duly, which is to visit in April and May
the diffisrent quarters of my parish. There are spots, as yon
know, which are above the middle region, and there, instead of
the soft rain which refreshes the earth, I found snow and bitter
cold. A voyage to Lausanne in the midst of the heat of the
torrid zone following this, made the evil worse, and for the last
three weeks I have not appeared in the pulpit, and that is
sufficient to say of a minister for whom it is scarcely less
essential to preach than to live. Consequently I can no longer
rest, and if I am not dead the day after to-morrow I shall
preach on the repose of the Sabbath. While recommending it
I shall be violating it ; but priests are always privileged, and
they sometimes extend it to the whole Decalogue. In the
meantime and to renoimce at a single blow every treatment, I
return to-day to my life and pleasures in writing to you ; but
as I am perhaps doing this in an access of fever, I do not hold
myself responsible for what may happen. Do not look too
closely, if you please. It seems to me, nevertheless, that I am
not dreaming, and I even find my brain more free with yon, as
if the illness had lessened the distance which I see between
you and me when I am ilL At present it is as if we were of
the same species^ and of the same academy. I acknowledge
that the thing would be clearer if, observing for example the
same stars, we were in correspondence on the subject, so
that I might thus regain that equality in the sky which is
wanting to me on earth. But poor people do what they can,
and not having a telescope, I have this in common with you,
the usage of a syringe. Mine is of pewter, and yours perhaps
of sDver if the remedies operate better. O those good times
in the Age of Iron ! But do not underrate that Age of Gold
when syringes were not needed — I was about to add, nor
doctors, if the amiable merit of the illustrious M. Tronchin had
not come to the front. My ^sculapius, for I also have one,
holds the same position witii regard to yours as I do to you,
144 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
and nothing is more just ; in spite of this I shall not die any
the sooner ; and here is a point (as a general rule, certain) that
I should like to understand, namely, Although the Faculty
has so often changed its system and its practice, it appears that
there never has been more or less death in the world. Another
thing to know : Is a patient of our calibre subject to the same
series of painful and anxious sentiments in the same malady as a
patient of ordinary composition ? If it is so, this comparison is
not far from rendering to us, in fact, a part of that equality
which the difference of talents removes from us. If not, it
would happen that the great man and the fool would remain as
such on the stool, as elsewhere, and it would be a fresh loss for
the preachers from whom all commonplaces escape one after
the other. But I am not at the end of my questions. In my
quality of preacher I expose and announce many remedies for
the soul ; M. Tronchin gives his to the body, and it is not
doubtful that he has succeeded better with himself and his
patients ; but I am anxious to be told why, in this century
where the body and the soul are one, it is as rare as in the pre-
ceding that a remedy for the one should be also a remedy for
the other. If the root of evil, like that of sickness, is in the
blood, as I have just said, after having laughed at the Ancients
who did not understand any other kind of wit, whence comes it
that what acts upon this common source does not affect the two
branches at the same time, and that ass's milk, for example,
while cooling a woman's blood, does not render her character
more uniform and more docile? At our first interview, Sir,
you must edify me upon these questions and many more, for it
is not simply by making verses that you are the Magnus Apollo
of the eighteenth century.
* I should perhaps have already slept at my uncle's if it had
not been for my indisposition, for if it had been more manage-
able I should have been greatly tempted to go from Lausanne
to Les D6lices. The flattering expressions of your last letter
would have authorised me to do so, and I shall avail myself of
the permission some day ; but it is without hope of finding
Mme. de Bentinck near you; I am told that she prefers
Neuch4tel to this country. My imagination, which you laugh
at, will not be less at her service there than elsewhere, but
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 146
imaginalion is not wanting in that little town, which it is said
is oar Gkisoony.
* I have also been told that in spite of workmen, sickness,
and remedies, yon have on the loom something very obliging
for Switzerland. It is quite natural that it should be awaited
with impatience, and my anxiety is great to see how you will
treat the snbject so as to praise ns, after having so well
succeeded in depicting us. It is not that the thirteen Can-
tons are not very commendable, and that a heart like yours
does not find opportunities everywhere for commendation
without committing yourself; but if your muses regard
this nation through the same laughing perspective as is
visible from St. Jean, they risk flattering it, just as they would
do it an injustice if only looked upon at the rocks of Uri and
the culottes of Schwytz. We must let you do as you please,
you will always come off with glory to yourself; if we are as
successful, what a fl^te after six thousand years of humiliation !
The occasion would be worthy of a colossal f(§te in your honour
firom the highest mountains, and capable of lasting as long as
your works. As for my sentiments, there will be an end to
them when I am ended, but until then I shall be, with the
strongest passion and with all the extent that you will do me
the honour to suffer,' &c.
Allamand at Bex, to Voltaire at Toumay, August 20, 1759 :
'I saw. Sir, with transport those three demi-wings on
your seal. Some one who came from Nyon has said that you
were very ill, and that even worse news was on foot. This
'^ worse," at least, was not true on Thursday, since on that day
yon yourself wrote. May God be blessed ! It is not that I
believe you to be in dread of ** the great Perhaps," but you will
find it at the age of Messieurs de Fontenelle and St. Aulaire,
just as at present, and it will always be too soon for this poor
comer of a tcmrbUlon, where Yoltaires do not come in pairs.
This is, however, the second alarm which you have given me
during the last three years. I forgave you the first, which was
rather a serious one; but three years after, in 1759, when one
has played CEdipe in 1718, it gives a terrible extra hold to
gossip and fear. Your letter has given me too much pleasure
not to thank you for it in the first place. Still, since the joys
VOL. n. L
146 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
of this world are never other than lesser Borrows^ yon are not
as well as yon onght to be. Bnt, sadness aside, and if it is
tme that yon have been at one time or another so near the
gate, might I venture to ask you news of the other side, for
I do not donbt that yon wonld look as &r ahead as yon possibly
conld.
Or ^ dono snr la sombre rive,
Dites, monsieur, qa'avez-votiB va ?
Qui, de U, yoas a dit : ' Qui vive ? '
Et YOOB, qa'avez-voiu r^ponda ?
Dn noir chenil centre qui jappe
Pins ftprement le triple ohien ?
Est-oe centre P61age, on Lather, oa Soein
An goiohet de la basse trappe
Qui r6pond ? le Snisse dn Pape
On la serrante de Oalvin ?
A qui fait-on pins s^ohe mine
Dans Pinfemale Inqnisition?
Est-ce 4 I*h6r6sie mntine,
A la folle superstition,
A rhypocrite d6yotion,
On bien an vice qui domine,
Par la cave, on par la cuisine,
Ou par le vase anti-Giton ?
Et dans les plaines Elys^es
De noB saintes billeves^es
Comment parlent les bienheureux ?
Sur quels talons daase PEglise,
Est-elle en robe, ou en chemise,
Par quel bout s'y cassent les ODufs ?
Plut6t du h6ros de la Spr6e,
De Leipsig, de Zomdorfl, de Prague et de Breslaa,
Et de la Marohe rassur6e
Que disent Charles douae et Berendau ?
I wonld like just as much to know the opinion of Lnxembonrg
and of Villars, bnt one asks what one can and not what one
wishes. There wonld also be a little question to pnt as to what
A r mini as said, who had not received much news from the bonks
of the Yisargis since the blow that he stmck now almost
eighteen hundred years ago ; bnt I do not like these battles at
all, which do nothing bnt kill people and make sugar dear. A
bundle of celery has passed between the legs of the little
ensign whom I had taken the liberty to recommend to you, and
he has had the prudence not to put his foot upon it.
' As for wit, I wish I had enough of it to give you a good
opinion of the use I shall make of it in my comer. Alas!
Sir, I employed it by dispensing with any better, instead
of having only su£Scient to imagine it. StiU, I have a great
VAUD, BEBNE, ASD SAVOY 147
deal more tliaii I ever dared to pretend. The honour of being
flattered by the same hand that wrote the ^' Henriade " and
*' Bmtns," I would not f^ve that for all the literary knighthoods
of Grermany. When I was fifteen years of age, the late
M. de Cronsaz, oar great man of that time, found that I had
good sense, and you find that I have wit when I am fifty.
Provided that the wit has not made my good sense disappear
in smoke, it is as unique for a minister of Bex as it is for a
great seignior to hold to the three forms of slavery, without
wearing either the robe of one or the chain of the other two.
Unfortunately, good sense and wit do not make geniuses in
Switzerland, nor anywhere else I believe, when it is spread over
too many things, and this is what has happened to me. But
do not suspect me, if you please, of trying to shine in my
letters to you. When I apply myself to the task I am animated
by a sentiment of joy ; you will explain it as you please, if it
deserves an explanation, but this gaiety is all my little Apollo,
and Injusta virescuTd gramina. If it is wit so much the better.
Should not a rockery be arranged in a grotto ? Of precious
stones I have hardly any except those I take from you ; but it
is true that, having myself alone to please, I try to decorate
my jewel-case only with those of the first water. Everywhere
else imitation stones would suit me ; here I should have no use
for them.
'I see, moreover, Sir, that it is your apparel which is,
to your mind, only an ass's skin, and that you laugh at the
figure I shall cut in it ; but each situation has its sequence of
ideas, and reason is to be found everywhere. I wish you could
have heard me on St. James's Day explain the Sta sol of Joshua
(without spoiling the sphere), and make our peasants weep over
the miseries of Germany without cursing the authors of them.
Believe me. Sir, these public lessons of reason and huma-
nity, which have not been taken into consideration since
Jesus Christ, ought to be of some value, and I am persuaded
that without us other preachers, everything would still be wild
in this country. That would please M. J. J. Bousseau, but
neither you nor me. That man finds in culture of mind every
evil which it is capable of curing, and which it only brings to
the light for the same purpose as tilth brings the tares to the
L 2
I
148 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
snrfiioe of the soil, in order that they may be burned by the
gun in the asenith of its power.
Fortes invertant tanri, glebasqne jaoentes
Polvenilenta ooquat matoiis solibas sBtas ;
Offieiant Letis iie frogibaB herbs.
It remains to be seen whether onr word, which is certainly that
of Grod when it is worthy of Him and nsefal to man, is really a
good means of cnltivation. Why not ? Dung and ashes are
used for it with success.
Ne satorare fimo pingoi padeat boIa, neve
Effoetos oinerem immnndam jaotare per agros.
But it is better than that, and it is only necessary to knead
truth in such a manner as to make it pass through all the holes
of the screw-plate.
* I admire the Bible from a point of view which you did not
suspect ; it is like matter in which God has placed, for the use
and practice of each century, everything which the culture of
that century and that place may be able to draw from it, from
wooden spoons to a bronze horse. Thus, the wise men have
been able to make systems, as the Xing and Graham make
watches, or as one harnesses the fleas at Nuremberg; but
they would not be able to make the Bible, just as we do not
make wood or metals.'
Allamand writes from Bex, January 5, 1764, to Voltaire at
Toumay :
^Oh, Sir, how fine, good, and excellent a thing is your
'^ Treatise on Toleration." ^ I have just read it, thanks to some
one who well knows what I need, who sent it to me on Monday
under the seal of secrecy, and to whom I had to return it on the
following Monday — as you see, allowing me only one Sunday. I
read it, however, almost in the pulpit. It reawakened all my
sentiments for you. Were they then dormant ? No, but it is
such a long time since this poor and ill-favoured cur6 of Bex had
received anything from that golden pen which should no longer
write anything except for religion and humanity, because religion
and humanity alone merit such a pen of which they have so great
need.
I Traiii tmr la ToUranUt d VoccMion de Ja mart de Jean Colas, 1763.
VAUD. BEBNE, AND SAVOY 149
' I did not fail to learn, Sir, what you have done for the
Galas/ and your efforts in their favour caused me all the more
to shed tears of delight because this Mghtful history made me
shudder with consternation. Tou do not, however, mention a
single word of what you have done for this family whose rdle has
become, through you, the foremost rdle of the day. This silence
is the first indication by which I recognised you, for your name
was not mentioned ; and, dazzled by the circumstances, I did not
pay attention to the style or orthography of the book. I am
told that you do not wish the matter to be referred to yet, for
the reason that was sent to you from Languedoc on February 20.
I will, therefore, not speak of it, if I can remaLa silent.
*But tell me, Sir, on the supposition that the Supreme
Council does not give entire justice, will not an appeal be made
formally to all the sovereign tribunals of Europe, even to the
Divan ? Will they not be called upon to pronounce a decision,
in their super-judicial capacity, of their own accord, and make a
solemn protest against this horror of the eighteenth century ?
You will do as you please ; but this *' Treatise on Toleration " —
I do not say, unique of its kind or in this particular case, but
imique because there is only one M. de Voltaire in the world —
this Treatise will remove the stains of the infamy for ever from
our age, and will for ever make intolerance — monstrum hor-
rendum [infoT7ne']y ingens, cui lumen adempium — the execrable
ridicule of the anti-Christian world.
*' I must add that there is a good deal of maliciousness in it,
and here and there a few injustices which could hardly escape
me, who am accustomed to read our Scriptures in the original,
and who live by my profession — well or ill-interpreted. But I
pardon everything to the sacred fire of humanity which devours
you. Nor do I think that a big Swiss would have dogmatised
> Among the letters to Bfme. de Boohat apon the death of her hasband was
one from the wife of M. de VSgobre — celebrated for his defenoe of Galas and
his enlistment of Voltaire in behalf of the victims. The forty-three un-
published autograph letters of Voltaire to V6gobre on this subject, and the
seventy- three unpublished autograph letters of Voltaire to Bacon, belong to the
author, forming a separate collection. Jean Galas, merchant, of Toulouse, was
aooused of having strangled his son in 1761, from his aversion to a design which
the young man had formed of abjuring the Protestant religion and turning
Catholic. He was broken alive on the wheel, March 9, 1762. This tragic
event aroused so much feeling and enlisted to such a degree the most powerful
voices and pens, that it became a salient point in the history of the last centuxy.
150 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
the matter more weightil j. He would have disting^nisbed private
religion institated to condnct every one to Paradise, from state
religion instituted to be the bond of conscience. He would have
said that no one had anything to do with the first, because it is
my affidr and of no one else whether I go to Paradise perpendi-
cularly, diagonally, or in a cycloidal manner ; just as it is my
affidr, and not that of the Inquisition, whether I eat white bread
or black bread ; because the high-roads ought to be free for him
who pays his taxes and seeks to slander no one, and because the
high-road to Paradise ought to be under the same jurisdiction as
that of Paradise itself. As for state religion, it is doubtless the
affiiir of the state with which it terminates, because that which is
necessary to strengthen its bond ought not to depend on each
individual's caprice. My Swiss would also have submitted that
the Credo of public religion is easy to form, for it ought to con-
tain only the articles of faith necessary to serve for a foundation
to and motives of civil virtues in the cases where civil law has
not sufficient authority. Finally, he would perhaps have added
that the Gospel has only private religion in view ; and that Jesus
Christ and His Apostles, who nowhere infer the existence of
Christian Powers, thus allow the State full liberty to take from
the Gospel all that is necessary to the State and to abandon the
rest to the faithful. From all this he would have concluded that
the rule for toleration is, to dismiss to private religion (the reli-
gion of the ffidthful) everything which is indifferent to public
religion (the religion of the citizen).
^ But how annoying and how cold all this cavilling is in com-
parison with the least of the twenty-five chapters [of the '^ Trea-
tise on Toleration "] ! Pray, Sir, send them to me before they are
burnt, for they must certainly come to that, Pwrvey nee invideo^
sine me liber iMs in ignem ; unless the flames of the Palace are
pure enough to respect the book. Let me have it from you, and
it shall be — ^like the collection of your works which I already owe
to your friendship — the secret and continual charm of my soli-
tude ; so that I may say : The illustrious author has given me
this precious pledge of his benevolence. I should have a fine
opportunity to formulate for you my warmest wishes for the year
which is arrived, or new, but maJse them yourself and I will
sign.
YAJJD, HEBNE, AND SAVOY 151
* I only wish yon were as good a Christian as yon deeeire to
be. Believe me. Sir, there is a Christianity which merits your
study. Do not be angry; I call him, as others do, a good
Christian who is such according to my own manner, and true
Christianity that which I myself find in the New Testament.
What a fine haul I should then make, if you would bite a little
at the hook with two or three of your firiends, and the Sayoyan
Vicar!
* Yon see what it is to live at Bex. One must at least dream
of something. You will agree, however, that if my dream is a
fool's dream, it is that of a fool who is a good Christian ; and
that, in offering you a key to the Eingdom of Heaven, I make
you a handsomer New Year's offering than you yourself, with
your hundred thousand livres income, could make me.
* I do not know how to finish with the ordinary formula ; it
is such a wretched one to say how much I esteem you ; and I
would not like you to reproach me that I have the honour to be,
with infamous deceit — ^I who am with so much respect and truth
a hundred times beyond this, Sir, your very humble and very
obedient servant.'
Allamand at Corsier above Vevey, to Voltaire at Femey,
July 5, 1768 :
' I have just read and re-read the '' Seasonable Counsels to
M. Bergier,"* "The Jesuits expelled from China,"* and the
^^ Profession of Theism."' In all these there is nothing new
except the treatment of the subjects, but this treatment com-
bined with a &vourable current of opinion at this moment,
makes me feel very uneasy about my little cure of Corsier, which
I have taken so much pains to render agreeable. You see. Sir,
it is useless for Theism to say that it does not attack our livings ;
if it attains its ends it is clear that we shall only be incumbents
in parUbus infideUvm. Now the Church can well be purer
beneath the Cross, but the fact of being purer is not everything
— item, one must live. If a start is once made to melt down our
bells, it will not be intended to stop on the road, as was done
> ConseUs BaiMnmahlea d M. Bergiert pour la Difense du ChrisUamsiw,
by Voltaire (1768).
' BeloHon du BofrmiMemmt des JSsuUes de la Chine {VEmperewr de la
Chine ei frAre Btgolei^, by Voltaire (1768).
* Profnium deFoides ThHeUe, by Voltaire (1768)
152 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
nearly 250 years ago. Appetite will come to some, or has
already come to them, and will retnm to others ; they will make
a clean sweep with you, and a modest midnight meal with us of
what remains. It is not, however, that yon do not know the
cmel writer [Voltaire] who plays his cards so as to torn ns into
the street. I have a great mind to capitulate to him under your
mediation. Besides, here I am twelve years older than when
yon rose above our horizon, and I have always at heart that I
have not yet replied to your obliging invitations.
^ I am therefore resolved not to die, if I see the month of
August go by, without repairing this omission ; it is understood
that I shall not at all put you out, and that we shall be able to
hold a private coundl together.
* I have the honour to be, with the respect and the attach-
ment which you know, etc.*
AUamand at Corsier above Vevey, to Voltaire at Femey,
July 19, 1768 :
* I thoroughly believe, Sir, that it is one of the views of our
George Withers * to decry convents and monks ; and if that
were all it is clear that instead of sounding the alarm there
would be nothing else to do but lend a hand to so thorough a
Huguenot work. But Aaron and the Lamb, Brother Rigolet,
the Collection of M. de Montgeron,* the ruined Pig-Merchant,
etc.* — are not these at least more than are required if it is only
a question of blowing up in their turn the swine of St. Anthony ?
Do not, however, believe, Sir, that I bristle up a gpreat deal
against other ends which I imagine besides this one. In the
main, the profession of Theism formally recognises a rewarding
God, so that it is already in accordance with Hebrews xi. 6 ;
and that reassures me about St. Louis' wicked old woman who
wished to bum Paradise and drown Hell.* We can very well do
without Hell, but let us keep Paradise, even if it is only to laugh
at, some day of our present follies, both devout and profane.
« George Wither, 1588-1667, one of the hest of the old English poets.
' Louis Basile Carr6 de Montgeron, 1686-1754, a French magistrate;
anthor of La ViriU des MwacUs op&ria par VlrUercession du Diacre Pdfis
1737).
* These are snhjeots dealt with in the three works of Voltaire mentioned in
the preceding letter.
* That men might love God for Himself. — Vision of Ino, Bishop of Chartres
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 153
Besides, when I put my hand npon the conscience, and consider
all the folds and creases of tbe cassock, I do not doubt that its
enemies have no good intentions in granting them quarter on
no point. The cloister is not the only place in which abuse and
wickedness exist ; they will be found everywhere and of every
feather. I would pardon even voluntarUy carrying humour and
raillery perhaps a little too far, for whose duty is it to reduce his
neighbour to his proper level ? I merely ask our opponents,
after having made sufficiently merry at our expense, to return to
fixed principles, take the matter as seriously as it deserves, and
not to make so great haste to destroy everything that we shall
be in peril of living in the open air for a time.
* For instance, I see very few articles in the " Treatise on
Toleration " and in the ^* Reasonable Counsels " to which I am
not ready to subscribe ; but two lines among others of the
** Counsels " pleased me very much and seem to me of very good
augury, taken in connection with the author's intentions ; they
are lines 15 and 16 on page 20. My secret is there. There is
doubtless another manner of establishing Christianity ; I felt
it for a great number of years by so many sure signs, that I
refuted, more than thirty years ago, Ditton,^ the argument of
Sherlock,^ and the preface of his translator, without having
ceased for a moment being a Christian after my own manner.
The question would be to see if the author of the '' Counsels "
and I have met in any other manner of looking upon the subject,
or, in two words, if there would be a means to decide upon and
execute a plan of universal religion capable of securing tbe
happiness of the human race, the eternal glory of philosophy,
without forgetting that of Jesus Christ whose bread we have
eaten for seventeen hundred years and who had assuredly seized
the good idea ; for it is not His fault if, aftier Him, His word has
been made flesh.
' On the particular point of toleration, I call to witness these
words of the " Treatise " : Ah, if we wish to imitate Jesus Christ,
* Humphrey Ditton (167&-1715), a mathematioian of eonaiderable eminence ;
alao author of A Discourse Concenwng the Resurrection of Jeaus Christ
(1712).
^ Thomas Sherlock, D.D. (1678-1761), a celebrated divine ; author of many
theological "works, among them the work mentioned in the text— Trial of t/ie
Witnesses of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ (1729).
154 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
let US be martyrs and not exeendioneTB I Pray tell me, Sir, has
any one ever written, ever said, ever thonght of anything more
natural, more noble, and more true ? Is there anything more
sublime in Bossuet ? I would have given sixteen quarto volumes
of the sermons which I have written and preached in exchange
for this single line. But since I was not predestined to do so,
I am of opinion at least that a pyramid should be erected in the
centre of the Christian world, and that this line should be
engraved upon it in all the tongues of the Pentecost.
' I am much dismayed, Sir, to see by your letter that you are
ill. It caused me great fear as to my visit, and I am afiraid that
it is not worth an apothecary's mistake. But perhaps it is
impossible for the human body to be in good health when it
possesses a mind which must set fire to the house every day.
Why do we not keep at your bedside the author of the "Trea-
tise " and the " Counsels " ? He is not ill, or else his malady is
worth more than the health of others. I would like to know
some good prayer to cure you, even if it were necessary to leave
a votive offering in the chapel of the ch&teau of Femey.^
^ You see that I persist in my project since you are quite
willing to accept it. I feel as I ought the value of an entire
letter in your own hand ; but formerly you signed Vale, and it
was I who had " the honour to be." At present I dare no
longer use this formula, but I am not with less respect, etc.'
AUamand at Corsier above Vevey, to Voltaire at Femey,
August 19, 1768 :
^ Here I am re-established in my parsonage, my head filled
with Femey and my heart with its illustrious and amiable
master. Weighed down with the welcome that I received from
you, I hasten. Sir, to repeat to you my very humble thanks.
Conseryez-moi de grftoe voire amiti6
(L'amiti6 d'on grand homme est un bienfait des dieaz).*
' I confess that Lord Bolingbroke ' made me feel very nn-
* The bailding remains, with its inscription, * Deo erexit Voltaire,' bat in
1879 I found it used as a wine-vault and hay-loft.
' * Pray preserve me yoor friendship, for the friendship of a great man is a
favour of the gods.'
' Henry St. John, Visoonnt Bolingbroke (1678-1751), whose works were
edited, after his death, by David MaUet (1700 ?-1765). Mallet is mentioned
several times in Gibbon's Memoirs as a friend of nis father. Gibbon was
rather scandalised than reclaimed by his philosophy.
VAUD, BEBI7E, AND SAVOY 155
comfortable. I shall require at least three or four pemsals to
recover from it, and who knows if I shall succeed ? Between
ouraelyes, however, I comprehend that he would be more danger-
ous if he were less passionate, and this passion, which I detest in
Christians, always astonishes me in the enemies of Christianity.
For mercy's sake, why and to what purpose do they lose their
temper and use insolent language ? Allowance might perhaps
be made for us who have our profession and our livings to
defend ; but why are the writings of wise men imbued with so
much hatred ? They say that our anger excites theirs ; I under-
stand the remark but am not edified ; what is the use of being a
philosopher if one does not keep a better mastery over one's self
than a theologian ? (It is also apparent that this nobleman
speaks of various matters of which he is ignorant until he begins
to write about them, and this makes him blunder from time to
time as to the &ct8.) Well, we shall see what M. Bergier will
say. As for me, I am awaiting impatiently the packet which
you had the kindness to promise me, and I am thoroughly
resolved to read and re-read, with composure and with pen in
hand, every document of the argument in proper order. What
will happen ? I do not know, but you can count upaa the
greatest discretion on my part.
' I have spoken to you of a miscreant who calumniated Jesus
Christ and his mother. He has made amende hanoraile in the
church of his parish ; after which he was whipped in the public
square and taken to the other side of the lake to live as he
may, provided he does not return again into Switzerland. It is
true that he was a worthless fellow, but will the matter appear
in a better light by leaving a woman and four children in the
direst poverty and covered with shame, while he himself is obliged
to get himself hanged at the first gibbet ? (I have always admired
that tacit consent among the Powers of Europe for the exchange
of their respective scoundrels. I have ofken seen you remove
stones from your garden walks, but you did not throw them into
your neighbour's garden.)' Jesus Christ said that whosoever
blasphemed against Him might be pardoned, but the ecclesiastic
de Harlay ' was not whipped for his reply (which you know) to
> FiaaQoU de Harlay, Sire de Champvallon (1625-1696), a Frenob prelate
oi questionable morality.
156 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
the girl who accused herself of being enceinte by the operation
of the Holy Ghost; bat Berne feared the spread of the con-
tagion, which, as you see, has already reached the people.
MM. Bolingbroke and Fr^ret ' might well have those strokes of
the lash on their conscience.
' I entertain, Sir, the tenderest wishes for your welfare, your
repose, and your health ; bat I am impressed with the deepest
compassion for the patient who lies under your jurisdiction.
Would that it pleased Jesus Christ to send by some one the
good news to you : Rise up and walk ! It seems that the lo%
soul of the avenger of Galas and the benefactor of so many
others would be well worth the working of a unique miracle
which would conquer him immediately ; but the ways of Gk)d
are not our ways, and although the holy thorn astonished nature
and consoled the Church, the P. B. was not saved from destruc*
tion.
' I have the honour to be, with an inviolable respect and an
immortal attachment, Sir, your very humble and very obedient
servant.'
Allamand at Corsier above Vevey, to Voltaire at Femey,
December 9, 1768:
* The villainous old coach must have carried my A B C * on
to Berne, for I received it only ten days after it was despatched
to me : and, Sir, my eyes are heavy and red from having spent a
night in taking my lesson from it, but I am well repaid by the
unspeakable pleasure it has given me, for which I ha.sten to
return you a thousand thanks — with the exception, however,
of that which concerns too nearly our daily bread. I did not
tire in admiring that abundance, that charm, and that mascuUne
vigour of a pen whose point must have been worn out by so
many labours. I was almost saying that it is the Phcenix
which rises again from its ashes, but you are far from year
ashes, and it is not a question of being precious when one has
only had a taste of life. How many new and trenchant things
there are ! I think I see, especially in Conversations III., YIL,
* Allamand did not know he was anjust to Nicolas Fr6ret (168S-1749) ; it is
now proved that the latter by his immensely learned works depriyed irreUgion
and incredulity of some of their strongest argtmients.
> V A, £, C, ou Dialogues mtre A, B, C, iraduU de V Anglais de M. Hutt,
by Voltaire (1768).
VAUD. BERNE. AND SAVOY 157
IX., X., XI., XIV., certain pieces which can compare favourably
with the most immortal of your prose works. It is the ABC
of all Moral Sciences, jnst as the Elements of Newton were the
A B C of Physical Science, I believe, eighty years ago. Ah,
Sir ! why does not so fine a genius in its decline occupy itself
with making the best advantage of the Oospel, which in the main
is in its proper place, rather than find fault with it ? Glory and
success would be insured on one side, and after all, that which
has been done up to the present on the other side is laden (so
it appears to me) with much peril and little hope. Pray pardon
this effusion on account of my extreme attachment for you, and
the desire which urges me to prove that so fine and so great a
part of the earth has not lost fifteen hundred years in being
Christian.
' There are various traits in these Conversations, even in the
most advanced, to which you would see me agree without diffi-
culty ; I am not at all frightened, for instance, at the eternity
of the world such as you expound it. The eternity of matter has
always appeared to me certain. I am assured that the Scriptures
contradict neither the one nor the other, and my friends saw a
long time ago a paraphrase of the first chapter of Genesis which
appeared to them simple and natural, and firom which it would
result that Moses had in view the creation of nothing, but simply
a kind of clearance of the surface of this earth. On a number
of facts, dogmas and maxims, you would find our writers of the
Old and New Testament more tractable than you might think,
and above all much more tractable than we other theologians.
We are therefore nearer changing wine into water than water
into wine* In the end, I imagine that you would not judge the
Bible to be unworthy of giving to the human race that which it
needs as to religion. Provided Phidias has a block of marble,
what matters it if it is only one block — he will manage to
carve out of it his Minerva. The question is not whether
the block is without a scratch, but whether we have one
more entire.
* I have, Sir, in fact, a great mind to furbish up all my know-
ledge upon these XYI. Conversations, and avenge myself upon
your raillery by writing you an epistle and a half on each ; but
you have better things to do than read so much nonsense, and
158 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
feast days and catechumens are approaching when I shall want
quite a different ABC.
* We have heard that the Czarina ^ had been put in prison ;
then the news was contradicted. I do not like women who give
their husbands too severe colics, but I would pardon her a good
deal if she succeeded in opening all the harems of Constanti-
nople, sending Mustapha ' back to Nicsea [Izneek], and reani-
mating the Peloponnesus, even if it were necessary to send Jean
Jacques [Rousseau] to revivify Sparta and the Jesuits to re-
establish Athens. We shall see when all is finished in Poland
if it would not have been better to soften the lot of the Dissidents
by degrees, instead of giving the alarm at one blow to the nation,
by wishing to carry everything away at the first bound by force.
This system of '' by degrees " is of service to the man who has
no courage to sell ; the proverb says that prudence is the virtue
of cowards ; but it is better to be a coward than it is to be dead,
especially if there is not another life.
* I have the honour to be, with my eternal re8i>ect, Sir, your
very humble and very obedient servant.'
CHAPTER CXI
In my collections is the subjoined firagment of a letter of Vol-
taire on the Dogma of the Immortality of the Soul, partly
written in his own hand, and annotated as belonging to the end
of 1765. It appears never to have been completed, and does
not bear the name of the person to whom it was to have been
sent. Formerly among the papers of M. Decrobc, wbo published
Voltaire's worlu known as the edition of Kehl, it passed into
the hands of M. Jacques Charavay, and then to M. le Baron
Feuillet de Conches, in whose possession it remained for more
than thirty years.
All my inquiries have led to a belief that this fragment has
never been published. One or two phrases resemble others in
* Catherine 11. of BaBsia (1729>1796), soppoeed by some to have been an
aooomplioe to the murder (by poison and strangnlation) of her husband,
Peter III., 1762.
* MoBtapha UI., Sultan of the Ottoman Empire (1717-1774).
162 HISTORIC STUBIKS IN
^ A quotation from Virgil cannot be better placed than in a
letter to the illnstrious Voltaire. I should fear nevertheless to
dishonour the two poets, the one of the age of Augustus and the
other of Louis XVT., if it befell me to say, Pollio amat rmstramj
quomivis tit rusHcaj mwam, I have a difficulty in explaining
myself in prose, and must therefore follow the advice that
Boileau gave to Chapelain, and simply tell you that the absence
of the Elector, and some small matters, have prevented me from
replying earlier to your obliging letter. You speak there of
some changes you wish to make in the third act of your
" Orphelin de la Chine." The Elector was surprised by this.
'* This nomimque poemodur in annum^^ said this Prince to me,
<< does not concern Voltaire. He will grant us a respite of seven
years." I hope that you will bring hitlier the proposed changes
yourself in the spring, and that I shall have the honour to renew
by word of mouth the sentiments of very respectful esteem with
which I have," etc.^
A few days before the date of Seedorf 's letter, Voltaire sends
the third volume of the ' Histoire 66n6rale ' to M. de Brenles,
and prays him to give a bound copy to M. de Polier de Bottens,
and to keep the other as a manuscript and a sketch which his
friendship gives him. He returns a translation of some poetry
of M. Haller that M. de Polier had been good enough to lend
him. His ill-health induced him to buy the pretty house and
beautiful garden of Les D^lices in order to be near Dr. Tronchin,
* Anthor*8 nnpablished MS. coUeotions. Seedorf evidexitly refen to the
last Terses in BoUeaa's ninth satire :
n a tort, dira Tan ; poarqnoi fant-il qii*il nomme ?
Attaqner Chapelain I Ah 1 o'est un si bon homme !
Balzao en fait T^loge en cent endroits divers.
n est vrai, B*il m'eilt cm, qa'il n*eAt point fait de vers.
II se tae & rimer. Qne n'6orit-il en prose ?
VoiU oe qae Ton dit. Et que dis-je autre chose ?
Jean Chapelain (1695-1674) passed all his time in versifying. He had the
rare ability to acquire a reputation as poet and wit before pablishing any
important work. Having addressed an ode to Bioheliea, he gained the good
graces of that minister, who obtained for him a pension of a thousand ^ciu,
and made him a member of the French Academv, whose statutes he drew xxp.
Like Voltaire, he wrote a poem entitled * La Pucelle,' which was the htU noin
of Boileau. Although Nicolas Boileau-Despr6aux (1636-.1711), the * Idgislatear
du Parnasse,* ridiculed Chapelain, he pointed Moli^re out to Louis XIY. as the
greatest writer of his reign, and also relieved Racine from the discouragement
in which he had been plunged by the small success of * Athalie,* telling him,
* C'est votre chef-d'ceuvre ; je m*y oonnais, le public y reviendra.'
VAUD, BEBNB. AND SAVOY 163
and he has taken Monrion merely for the sake of being close to
M. de Brenles. * Monrion shall be the abode of simplicity,
philosophy, and friendship. ... If Mme. Goll conld have left
Colmar sufficiently early, I wonld have taken the domain, and
she would have found there the useful and the agreeable, but I
shall content myself with the house and its dependencies
pionribn].'
On February 28, Voltaire to M. Polier de Bottens : * I con-
gratulate myself, Sir, upon being your neighbour at last, and I
ask a thousand pardons of you, as well as of M. de Brenles, for
not calling on you both to thank you for having made me
Lansannois. • . . Might I ask you, Sir, to honour me by
presenting my respects to Mile, de Bressonaz, and tell her how
much I interest myself in everything that concerns her? I
made an effort, on leaving, to climb up to the ch&teau of your
bailiff; firom thence I was obliged to go to Pr61az to attempt to
conclude a bargain for Mme. de Bentinck.^ She is worthy to
be your diocesan, and I assure you that she will give you the
preference over the celebrated Saurin,* of the Hague.'
It was to Mile, de Cerjat de Bressonaz, youngest daughter
of M. Sigismond de Cerjat, seignior of Bressonaz, that Qeorge
Deyverdun in his most playful manner addressed the following
verses, entitled * A Little Question,' which I foand in La
Grotte:
Hadeleine la p^nitente
Disait tonjours la v4rit6 ;
Bile 6tait bone, complaiBante,
£t vivait dans la sainteU.
Madeleine la ptefaeresse
S'amuBaii auz d^pens des sots,
Traitait la bont6 de faiblesse
Et mentait aoayent k propos.
Qaand vons in^ritea la taloohe,
Qaand vons niez d'avoir en poche
Des vers doni je sols fort jaloux,
LaqueUe des denz ^tes-Tons ? '
■ Charlotte Sophia, bom €k>Qntess d'Aldenbnrg in 1715, married in 1733
'^niliajn Bentinek, aeoond son of William III.'b friend, and chief of the Datoh
branoh of the Dukes of Portland, who was made a Knight of the Holy Roman
£mpiie on the occasion of this marriage. She was a woman of mnch wit. bat
of a m»ifT"^^y oharacter, and, after her separation from her husband, passed her
life in iraYelling.
^ Elie Saurln, died in 1703, uncle of the author of Spartactis,
* From the unpublished collections of Mme. Ck)nstantin Grenier.
M 2
164 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
The sabjoined letter of the Conntefls de Bentinck (who is
alluded to in Allamand'a oorreepondenoe) is dated from Ham-
burg, Deoember 12, 1768, and addressed to Voltaire, who styled
her ^ Signora errante ed amabile ' in his correspondence with
Algarotti :
' You have filled me with gratitude and joy, Sir, in rendering
to me the honour of your remembrance, so necessary to the
consolation of my old days. Everyone admires you, but few
hearts pardon the violence that is done to their vanily when
they are forced to admiration. Do you sometimes remember
that for nearly forty years I have devoted to you all the senti-
ments that equity, taste, and esteem can bring together, and
that at no moment has my heart varied for an instant towards
you ? You see, however, Sir, that in spite of this act of simple
justice, which is, perhaps, unique, I do not abuse your kindness
nor bombard you with homages and importunities. Too satis-
fied, too happy, to obtain at rare intervals the least sign of your
precious benevolence, I am not in truth sufficiently an enemy to
myself and to humanity to deprive you of that leisure which
you employ only in enlightening us and in rendering us better
and happier.
^ Alas ! Sir, must I die by the side of my dreary Arctic Pole
without thanking you once again by word of mouth for all the
good that you alone have done to my thinking being, by tearing
it away from a thousand foolish and inimical projects and
leading it continually in the direction of good sense and justice?
I am bitterly disappointed, I must own, at perceiving no likeli-
hood, no possibility, of the accomplishment of the only comfort
which I still longed for. Pity me, Sir, but I entreat you not
to forget me. I will not speak further of myself on this
condition.
* We have here at present a phenomenon from your country.
It is a young French nobleman who combines the elegance of
his nation with the solidity of mature age, and refinement of
mind with the most genuine and the most touching kindness.
It is the Marquis de Noailles, a Minister of far too high a rank
for our town of Hamburg. He has the most amiable wife in
the world ; she is worthy of him by her charms and her character.
The only things wanting to this interesting couple are better
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 165
liealUi and a more brilliant scene of action. I enjoy, as far as
my decrepitude will permit me, this sweet society which I am
greatly surprised at meeting in this degree of latitude. You
are known by heart in this house, and M. and Mme. de Noaillea
have both shone in rendering in a superior manner the treasures
which we owe to you.
' If these particular tributes do not suffice you, Sir, we are
soon expecting a King who pays you, it is said, others quite as
decided. This is our young Danish monarch, who has had the
glory of obtaining the favour of France and of the greatest King
of the world. Everything which happens to him bears an air
of enchantment. Is it not very curious that a King of Denmark
should render to the French theatre the first actress of the
world, whose natural and self-taught wit has been able to satisfy
the best and the most enlightened judges ? All honest people,
Sir, flatter themselves that this journey, which was so much con-
demned beforehand, will be the happiness of master and subjects ;
and that it is the most august Mentor, the most cherished of
Kings, who has himself taught our young sovereign to rule, to
love his peoples, and to take delight in making himself adored.
All that is wanting in this happy occurrence. Sir, and to the
glory of the two monarchs is owing to the singular fact that this
event has been extolled only by talents of a poor order up to the
present ; and everyone joins in asking of you eight or ten versos
which will put in a better form that which is to be said, and
will finish by awakening the noble emulation of the young King
and his passion for veritable glory, which you alone perhaps are
capable of engraving by a few inefiaceable words on his heart,
moved by so many objects which have appeared to make an
impression upon him. It is even asserted. Sir, that he has
expressed the most extreme desire to see you, and that he
wished to go to seek you, but that endeavours are being made
to prevent him. Sovereigns are not fortunate enough to be
surrounded by courtiers, and less stiU by rrUrmters, who have the
good intention to accommodate themselves to the sight of the
truth which you would show them.
* If you would honour me merely #rith a quatrain for this
Prince, who will return here from Altona on the 6th of January
and will remain with us seven or eight days, you would enable
166 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
UB to give him a finer fete than all those that the gratitude of
the people of Hamburg is preparing for him. If I am too
indiscreet in my pretensions, punish me by your silence ; but
the desire to ripen virtue in a royal heart, by the voice of the
organ which alone has appeared to me susceptible of making it
speak justly, must serve as an excuse for my rash proposition.
'Here, Sir, is a long letter for you. I send you by my
correspondent at SchaflHiausen a little Essay on the talents
which an illustrious family has cultivated in your various
works ; — I refer to the young Princes of Saxony, who have
derived from you alone their first intellectual lessons. Ah ! Sir,
how delightful it is for me to see all the earth agree in confessing
that they owe you so much. Do not forget the person in the
world who is the most imbued with this truth. Adieu.
'C. S. COMTESSE DE BeNTIKCK,
* n6e d'Aldenbubg.' '
CHAPTER CXm
M. Jknner writes to Voltaire from Berne (March 20, 1755)
that the Marquis de Paulmy (French Minister to Switzerland
1748-1751), who protects him, has never given him greater
pleasure than in affording him the hope of seeing Voltaire at
Berne. Having a large house with a little wife, he will be
very much flattered if Voltaire will lodge there.'
Voltaire, congratulating M. de Brenles on the birth of a son,'
says, ^ You are the Cicero of Lausanne,' and he counts on soon
going to embrace him at Monrion, and to pay his court to
Mme. de*Brenles.
' Antognph letter in the author's nnpablished ooUeotions. As this letter
is aboat to go to press the author has read with interest M. Philippe Godet's
important article in La Revue de PariSt September 15, 1896, and the ac-
companying letters from Voltaire to the Countess de Bentinck. The above
inedited epistle was perhaps in reply to Voltaire's on page 821 of La Revue.
* Author's unpublishea MS. collections.
' M. Morier wrote from Vevey, July 19, 1757, to M. de Brenles at Ussidres,
complimenting him upon the happy accouchement of Mme. de Brenles of a
fine boy. He proposes a fishing party next month up the Rh6ne with Messrs.
Couvreu and Soliers, and he requests Mme. de Brenles to continue her oorre-
spondence with Mme. Allamand.— Unpublished Collections of M. Ernest Cha-
▼annas.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 167
On April 16, 1755, from LesD^lioes, he condoles with M. de
Brenles in the following original manner upon the death of his
new-bom :
^ I partake of yonr sorrow, Sir, aiffcer having shared your
joy, bat happy are they who like you can repair their loss
immediately. I should not be in the same position ; far from
producing other individuals I have the greatest difficulty in
preserving myself. In truth, I begin to fear that I shall not
have strength enough to go as far as Monrion. Be well assured,
Sir, that my poor health does not diminish in the slightest
degree the tender interest which I take ia everything that
concerns you. I think that Mme. de Brenles and you have
been greatly afflicted, but yon have two great consolations —
philosophy and strength. As lor me, I have only philosophy ;
that indeed is necessary to support the continual suffering
which deprives me of the happiness of seeing you. My niece
interests herself in you as much as I do. She sends her most
sincere compliments to you as well as to Mme. de Brenles.
We hear that you have a new bailiff, that is, you have a new
fiiend.'
Prince Louis Eugdne de Wurtemburg, in Paris, recommends
to Voltaire a young actor named Fierville, who was attached to
the court of the Margravine of Bayreuth. ' He is a very good
actor, and has taken especial pains with the principal rdles of
yonr tragedies. He has studied you with great care, and asked
me for this letter to you, which I gave him with much pleasure.
I am plunged into the most profound grief. Lately d'Hancar^
ville ' by his evil conduct has shown himself unworthy of the
opinion I had conceived of him — I say evil conduct, not to say
worse — ^and to-day I have lost a friend who was yours also,
a man whose knowledge was most extensive, whose genius was
as elevated as his soul was simple. M. de Lironcourt is dead.
I have always regarded him as a marvellous machine; all
nature was included within his brain. O you who are tender-
hearted, judge of my affliction! He died the moment after
having rendered to me the greatest services. He leaves a
numerous and sorrow-stricken family, without property, and its
misfortune would be frightful if it were not supported by the
> A philosopher, who had just stolen Prince Louis Eugdne's plate.
168 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
most noble, the most generous, the most amiable of men.
When I tell yon that this protector is the Duke de NivemaiB,
you will have no cause for compassion.' He completes his
letter with the words : ' Je vons aime da fond de mon ccewr* ^
On June 23 following, Voltaire writes to the Gomte
d'Argental:
' I have with me at this moment the son of Fierville. He
has in him the staff to make an excellent comedian, and if he did
not month each word, he woald play very weU. He has a good
figare, intelligence, sentiment, above all he has voice, and a
prodigious love for this wretched profession, so disdained and
so difficult/ '
The month of March of this year (1755) included three
events related to my theme : His Excellency Louis de Blonay,
Viceroy of Sardinia, died ; a few days later IVederick de la Pot-
trie, grandson of Burgomaster de Seigneox and of Jean Jacques
de la Pottrie, passed away; and Voltaire produced his ' Epltre
sur le Lac de Gendve' (see arUe, Chapter XTV.), in which, by
the way, he designates his niece Mme. Denis as ' 1' Amiti6.'
May 0 (1755), Voltaire in his characteristic style Suggests
to Thieriot a visit :
* We are not far from Geneva ; you would see more of
Montp6roux, the Resident, whom you know ; you would find
plenty of books to amuse you, a very beautiful country in which
to walk ; we would go together to Monrion ; we would stop en
route at Prangins ; you would see a veiy beautiful and siugalar
country ; and if your old friend happened to die, you would
charge yourself with his literary heritage and would compose for
him an honest epitaph ; but I do not count upon this consola-
tion. Paris has many charms, the road is very long, and
you are probably not unemployed. . . . Mme. la Duchesse
d'Aiguillon has ordered from me four verses for M. de Monies^
quieu, just as one orders little cakes ; but my oven is not hot)
and I am rather a subject for epitaphs than a maker of them.*
Voltaire condoles with M. Polier de Bottens, June 4, 1755,
on the loss of a brother :
1783.
* The original letter is in the author's possession, bnt Benehot gives a copj.
' Fierville p^e first made his appearance at the Com^ie-Franvaise, May 1^
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 169
* There are many ways of being nnliappy, my dear Sir. The
most beantifal is in being, like you, nnhappy throngh the
generosity of your heart, and throngh suffering only for others.
The most crnel is to suffer through one's self, to become each
day more useless to society, and to see one's soul perish in detail
through the ruin of the body. Such is my state, Sir, and this
is what has prevented me firom coming to Monrion. If your
brother resembled you it is a great loss, and I assure you that I
feel it very keenly.' The world has need of men like you.
' This little bagatelle [he refers to the " Epttre sur le Lac de
Gendve"] of which you speak to me was printed from some
safficiently bad copies, and no great harm has been done. A
certain Grasset, who at present is at Lausanne, was on the point
of playing me a still more cruel turn. M. de Brenles must have
informed you of it, and I am sure in this case that you have
preached virtue to this Grasset. It is said that he has need of
your lessons. I wish I were already at Monrion, and could
embrace you ; but I cannot undertake this journey for which I
long until afber the visit of the Marquis de Paulmy. It is not
becaase my republican soul desires to pay court to one of the
Secretaries of State, but I am attached to M. de Paulmy. He
had the goodness, as soon as he heard of my residence in
Switzerland, to send me letters of recommendation to the
advoyers of Berne/
Voltaire also mentions, in another portion of this letter, M.
Elie Bertrand, of Yverdon, the intimate friend of M. de Bottens
(a very learned man and author of several works, among them
' Le Th^venon *), who was bom at Orbe in 1712, and resided for
a time at Boudri, where Marat was bom in 1744, the year in
which Bertrand became preacher at Berne.
June 6, Voltaire writes to M. de Brenles : ^ The saddest
effect of the loss of health, my dear and amiable philosopher, is
not the taking every day of cassia, and manna diluted with oil,
by the orders of M. Tronchin ; it is in not seeing one's friends,
it is in not writing to them. . • . Our friend Dupont has
* Voltaire probably was not greatly impressed, as M. Polier de Bottens had
twenty-four brothers and sisters ; only two of his brothers were established at
Lansanne— the Councillor and the Colonel Polier. The deceased gentleman
was a captain of infantry, and son-in-law of Count de Zastrow. A branch of
the family still exists, resident at Hamburg.
170 mSTOBIC STUDIES m
informed me that he will come to see ub in September; it is at
Monrion that we must assemble.' He again refers to Grasset.
A few days later he is awaiting M. de Brenles' prose, and
sends him some verses (the ' Epitre '), and acknowledges the
* Eloge Historiqae de M. Charles Gnillanme Leys de Bochat/
which M. de Brenles has sent. 'M. de Bochat is very
happy; there is a pleasure in being dead when one's
tomb is covered with your flowers. I have read, Sir,
with extreme pleasure this Eloge^ which is your own also.'
He also mentions the Banneret Freudeureich (1692-1773), of
whom he speaks in warm terms of praise. (This family still
exists ; one of the descendants married a daughter of Madame
de S6very.) He says that the storm raised by the publication
of ' La Pucelle,' and his difficulties with Grasset, combined with
bad health, have retarded his journey to Monrion. Mme. GroII,
who is at Oolmar, is in a very dangerous condition.
Three months later he tells M. de Brenles that the illnesa
of M. de Giez prevented him, a month ago, from going to
Monrion. He will thank Mme. de Brenles at Lausanne for her
verses. In the same month he speaks of the death of M. de
Giez, who ' died in ^my poor Monrion.' He begs M. Polier de
Bottens to take possession of Monrion in the summer, for it
belongs to him by a better right than to himself. ^I only
acquired it on your and M. de Brenles' account. It is you who
the first invited me to come to the borders of your lake.'
To M. ~de Brenles, December 6: 'I am ready to leave; I
have sent more of my baggage to the Hermitage of Moniion,
and as soon as my horse and I are purged I shall certainly take
a decisive step .... There is [at Lausanne] a Doctor Tiasot
who dissects his patients very well. That is a consolation.'
Voltaire writes to the Comte d'Argental that he goes from
Alp to Alp to pass a part of the winter ' in a little Hermita^ge
called Monrion, at the foot of Lausanne, sheltered from the
cruel north wind.'
His first letter from Monrion is addressed to Mme. de
Fontaine, his niece, December 16, 1755.
VAUD, BEBNE. AND SAVOY 171
CHAPTER CXIV
Thb next letters may be better appreciated if I first refer to a
development in 1755 of the Typographical Society of Laasanne,
founded by Leys de Bochat and his relative Leys de Cheseaux,
F.R.S. (1718—1751, the astronomer and philosopher, also lieu-
tenant bailiff), and several others. In the beginning the
superintendent of this important printing establishment was
Marc Michel Bonsqnet, four of whose letters to Voltaire have
already been quoted. This association sought by its editions,
published at Geneva and Lausanne, to replace the old publica-
tions of Holland, and to surpass the French editions by their
exceeding cheapness. The moment appeared well chosen.
The Holland book trade, so flourishing in the seventeenth and
beginning of the eighteenth centuries, had fallen off towards
1730. It was only the shadow of an industry previously illus-
trated by the Elzevirs.
After de Loys de Bochaf s death the association had as its
representative the bookseller Grasset, already mentioned in
connection with his quarrels with Voltaire on the subject of
the latter's poem, ' La Pucelle.' Grasset, says Gaullieur, had
both energy and skill in management ; he multiplied in foreign
countries the relations of the establishment which he directed,
and sold its products in Italy, Spain, Portugal, even in America.
In 1755, as the result of a contract made with this society's
shareholders (known as Bousquet et Compagnie), Grasset passed
nearly two years in Spain, stopping in each large city to place
books.' Grasset quitted the society in 1761, and opened for
Mmself a printing establishment and bookseller's shop at
Lausanne.
In approaching a curious episode in the life of Voltaire in
Switzerland, which was associated with Grasset and several
other characters in this book, I had at first thought of presenting
* Gaallieur, Etudes 8ur VHistoire lAtUraire els la Suisse Fran^aise.
Gen^Te, 1856. The Grasset-Bousquet contract was signed by Burgomaster
Poller de St. Germain, Professor d*Arnay (author of an essay on the private
life of the Bomans), Si^smond d'Arnay, Maro Michel Boosqaet, and Clave) de
Brenles for Mme. da Tell.
172 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
varions matters concerning the philoBopher whicli would serve
as a nsefdl preface to what follows. In fact, I had thus arranged
my materials, but on closer examination began to feel this might
do an injustice to Voltaire, and I risked prejudicing the minds
of my readers in this manner. I accordingly determined, first,
to give the documents I found in La Grotte, and to begin by
quoting an unpublished letter of Mme. de Bochat, at Lausanne,
to Mme. de Brenles, at Ussi^res, dated August 9, 1755, which
affords the best informed local account of the event and its con-
sequences. After speaking of not finding the Eulogium upon
her husband in its entirety in the * Journal Helv^tique/ she
says:
' The poem on " La Pucelle d'Orl^ans,'* the announcement of
which I have found in a number of the '^ Mercure Suisse" of 1736
as a work upon which he [Voltaire] was then occupied, has
finished by making a great deal of noise at Geneva. Copies of
it have been distributed at Lausanne. It is said that Maubert *
at Geneva at present possesses a complete copy, which is the
same that Grasset wished to have printed. This bookseller had
on this occasion a very lively scene with M. de Voltaire, who
had insisted upon the manuscript in question being shown to
him, or at least an extract. Grasset brought him seventeen
lines which he had copied with his own hand, and he demanded
that they should be returned to him — not that he refused to
allow a copy to be made, but wishing to have his handwriting
back again. Voltaire broke his word; this was followed by
violence on the part of the master of the house and his servanta.
Grasset escaped, but was prevented by mischance from laying
his complaint before the magistrate ; Voltaire anticipated him
and made his own complaint; the Resident of France intervened
and had Grasset put in prison, who was released the next day
with satisfactory words. That is the summary of a long
narration of the bookseller which I have seen.
' It is since known that, upon the requirement of the poet,
the seventeen lines of the extract were burnt by the hand of
* J. H. Maubert, aoi-disant Chevalier de QouYest, bom at Bonen in 17S1, was
an unfrocked Gapucin, who had become an officer of artillery, and was now a
literary hack. Voltaire, against whom he had written, imputes to him the fiJsifi-
oation in the editions of La Pucelle which appeared at Frankfort in 1755-1756.
Ue died at Altona, November 21, 1767.
VAUD, BKBNE, AND SAVOY 173
the executioner. It is eaid that the piece is of such a character
that if its author were in France, and convicted of being its
writer, he would be condemned to the stake. It is very
humiliating to him to have placed himself in such a position.
It would be impossible to conduct one's self worse than he does;
he ought to disavow this piece with constancy, not make any
attempt to secure it; and, above all, not say that he formerly
worked on this subject. The result of this vile aSair is that
Voltaire has fallen into the greatest contempt at Geneva, and he
is reduced (it is said) to receive worthless people at his table so
as not to be alone. What a sad ending to a life which might
have been rendered glorious if he had employed his time upon
worthy subjects! Those who have seen this piece agree in
saying that it contains everything that blasphemy and obscenity
can present of the most odious and most revolting nature.
* I salute very cordially M. de Brenles, and am ever,' etc. *
This curions letter, which is from the unpublished collections
of M. Ernest Chavannes, is supplemented by a graphic account
in the handwriting of Grasset himself, which I found in that
wonderful repository. La Grotte, and which is the * long narra-
tion ' referred to by Mme. de Bochat, doubtless derived from
her sister-in-law, Mme. du Teil, one of those interested in the
Typographical Society of Lausanne, which Grasset represented.
This unpublished paper is far more complete than that given
by (jauUieur,' which is said to be from the manuscript memoirs
in the hands of Grasset's family.
On the point of starting for Spain, as above, M. Grasset
received various firiendly and obliging letters from Voltaire, in
which the latter expressed an urgent wish to see him on the
subject of 'La Pucelle' — sufficiently characterised in the letter
I have just presented, which he was under the impression
Grasset desired to publish. The latter gives the following
lively description of his experiences :
* I arrived [at Geneva] on Sunday evening, and on Monday
the Sieur de Voltaire sent me several messages, and finally, on
Wednesday, his secretary came and told my wife that a carriage
would be sent for me if I wished. She replied that I would
' From the nnpablished colleotions of M. Ernest Chavannes.
' GaoUiear, Etudes sur VHistoire LitUraire de la Suisse Frangaise, p. 215.
174 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
not fail to go the next day, Thursday, with pleasure. In fiict, I
went about noon, and was received heartily. The first oompli-
ments over, I was bfiered refreshments, and the opening ques-
tions were on the subject of '' La Pucelle." I answered him
quite simply that I had never had it in my possession, and I
confirmed by word of mouth everything I had written him;
that I would never print this book nor favour the printing of
it ; that I heard it said that it was full of blasphemies, and that
therefore I declined having anything to do with it, especially as
by following this line of conduct I found a favourable opportunity
of obliging so celebrated a man. He replied by saying several
pleasant things about me, and made me many offers of service.
At length I was taking my leave of him, when he said : " M.
Orasset, ywi must not render me merely a haJf service, you can render
me a whole tme. A demoiseUe named de Brail has offered me a
copy of this manuscript; she lives in your neighbourhood; I pray
you to maJce inquiries about it J* ^ I replied very simply that,
belonging to a society which paid me, I could not occupy
myself with other matters not relating to its interests without
foiling in my duty to it ; and that at that moment I had a letter
to answer. He renewed his entreaties, taking upon himself to
write to you if I exacted it, to excuse me to you. He persisted
in such a manner that I could not leave until I had promised
to inform myself of the matter in question, and agreed to return
and dine with him the next day. I kept my word. On my
return to town I went to this demoiselle, who mentioned a
person living in the direction of Rive, who, in fact, had this
manuscript, and who came to me in the morning at eight. This
person showed me this piece of infamy ; I read the fourteenth
stanza. Imagine all the most malignant things that the per-
versity of an Atheist can conceive, all that the most libertine
impurity can invent, you will have but a very feeble idea of the
reidity. I asked the price ; 50 louis I was told. I asked for a
dozen lines ; they were granted — seventeen even. I asked this
person also if, in case M. de Voltaire wished to buy this piece,
they would be unwilling to sell it. No, was the answer ; provided
that 50 louis were given it was of no consequence by whom
it was purchased ; this copy came from a copy which M. de
■ The anderliniog tbrooghont is by Qrasset
VAUD. BEBNE, AND SAVOY 176
»
Tolfaire had sold for 100 lonis to the Prince Boyal of Prnssia, and
having given it to an nn&ithful secretary to draft, the latter had
made a copy for himself, and had sold it to the present possessor
for 100 dacats. I read again the seventeen lines which had been
handed to me — ^in accordance with the request of M. de Voltaire,
who had charged me to do so — in order to establish for a
certainty the existence of this piece. The orthography was
very bad, and one word had been left oat which spoilt the
rhythm of a verse. I recopied with my own hand from the
original as correctly as I ooald. I came home and made a
second copy which I intended for you, without any other wish
than that you might convince yourself of the impiety of this
piece.
' I went to M. de Voltaire, having my sword at my side as
on the first occasion. I told him that I had only too well suc-
ceeded, that I had seventeen lines in my pocket, but that as
they were in my own handwriting I required his word of honour
that he would return them to me ; he might have copies taken,
after which he would throw into the fire the original written by
me. He made the promise and gave me his word of honour as
I exacted, but I little knew the man with whom I had to deal.
He read, and his eyes showed the emotion of his mind. Vexed
and beside himself with passion, he asked me several questions ;
I told him that I was sorry that this perusal caused him so
much anxiety. He appeared to calm himself, and invited me
most pressingly to dine with him. I replied that I had dined,
and even taken coffee ; that my stay at Geneva being short my
affiiirs called me there. Renewed entreaties on his part to
remain at least until dessert. I promised to do so, and took a
few turns in his garden, and in a salon where a theatre for
playing comedies was being construct^. M. de Voltaire sent
for me to come into his apartment, where I found the said Sieur
at table with his niece and M. Cathala, a dealer in linen. He
placed me at the upper end of the table, drank my health ;
I responded. He spoke much of this work which was attributed
to him.
'The trio took great trouble to reassure him on the point
that the verses were bad, and that, therefore, the public would
not allow itself to be deceived. He appeared to accept with
176 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
pleasure the flattery ; but his niece having said, '' It is ime^ my
angel J my hearty my dear uncle j that thou wcrkedst formerly upon
a work entitled *■ La PuceUe ' " — (and mixing the thoa and the
yon) — '' and that you presevded it to three lords who were your
friends and who are very safe persons.^* The keen features of
M. de Voltaire became inflamed, his eyes appeared to start
from their sockets, and the poet who has sung the immortal
" Henriade " pronounced this oracle : ^' Be silent ; you do not
know what you are saying; be Ment^ I tell you!" He rose
from the table saying that I would give him pleasure by coming
to dine with him the next day, and especially by bringing to
him a few more verses. I promised to come, with the fixed
intention that it should be our last interview, and I asked him
for the paper I had handed to him. He told me that he could
not return it, as he had no one to make a copy of it. M. Cathala
offered to do so, but the ofier was declined. I then saw that I
had only to make a pretence of going, and I said very naively
that since he had not kept his word of honour to return to me
my paper, I did not consider myself bound to serve him aoy
longer, and that I was his very humble servant.
^ I turned my back upon him and took the road to town,
when M. Cathala ran some way after me along the road, calling,
*< M. Grasset, M. Grasset, M. Grasset, come back ! There is a
misunderstanding between M. de Voltaire and you ; he is quite
willing to return you your paper — ^he merely thought that you
did not wish him to make a copy of it."
^ I returned with the said gentleman to the apartment of
M. de Voltaire, who persisted in keeping the paper. Approach-
ing me he took me by the collar and said, ^* Give me hack this
manuscript ; thou luist it ; it is thou who art the avihor^ it is than
who hast composed Ul"
' I preserved my composure, and mingling indignation with
pity I removed without trouble his hand from where he had
placed it, at the same time that I put my arm around him to
prevent his tottering body from falling. He struck the floor
with his foot, and presently a dozen domestic servants hurried
in, blocking up the doorway. Seeing them armed with clubs
I put aside all reserve, and tearing myself away by force from
M. Cathala and Mme. Denis, I unsheathed my sword, and, spring-
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 177
ing to one side, secured a way to the door of the salon giving
on to the garden. I addressed him thus : ^' Knave, I spare thy
life ; I might perhaps do a better action by purging the earth of
such a monster as thou art ; thou hast little understanding of the
liberty of which thou hast just sung" But reflecting that my
retreat might be cut off I retreated, still holding my sword in
mj hand.
* While my adversaries were preparing to attack me I kept
hack the most venturesome, and said to them that as I did not
ask for quarter I should grant none, and placed myself against
an orange-tree. They retired, and I made good my retreat ;
there was no need of a waggon to carry off the dead or
wounded.
' From thence I went to M. le President at his country seat,
which was quite close; I missed him by a few instants. I
related to his wife and daughters the events which had just
occurred. I was still labouring under emotion. The ladies
received me very kindly, and advised me to go to M. le Presi-
dent the same evening, and tell him what had happened, and
that, besides, I was in no danger, as it was I who had cause of
complaint.
* Upon arriving at the Pont de Comevin T met several
merchants who made me turn back, and brought me to their club
aue Pdquis. In the evening I returned into town with these
gentlemen who supped with me at home ; and after supper I
went to M. le President, who was supping at M. Tronchin's.
I waited until 10 o'clock, but as they were still at table I put
off my visit till the morning. I did not know that M. de
Toltaire had been bold enough to come immediately to town,
and tl^t in company with my dear foster-brother and old com-
panion he went to M. le President and the four Syndics, and
had set out his case in the blackest colours, saying that I had
gone to M. de Voltaire and threatened to kill him if he did not
buy the manuscript, etc.
* I returned very tranquilly with my wife, while my friends
were searching for me on all sides to aid me in escaping. My
good star so arranged it that not one met me. The steps of
my house were crowded with tipstaffs, and on my appearance
one who guarded the street-door asked me if I were not the
VOL. n. N
178 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Siear Graaset. I replied in the affirmative ; seizing me, he
called his comrades, each of whom laid hold of me somewhere
or other. I asked to he taken before M. le President, bat in
vain ; I was taken to the 6rand*Garde, the doors were dosed,
the sentinels are doubled, and I am kept in sight. M. TAuditeur
Grenus having been informed comes and asks me for my papers,
my keys. I reiterate my demand to be taken before M. le
President. He declares that, as I have been arrested at the
request of the Syndics and of M. le President, he pities me,
and conducts me for the first time in my life to prison. My
money is taken from me, as well as my watch, my seal, and
generaUy everything which is taken from the greatest criminals.
I am placed in a cell, and am forbidden to speak to any one.
* It was midnight on Friday that I was left alone, abandoned
to the most gloomy reflections. I saw no one, I was not heard;
finally, on Saturday at 5 o'clock in the evening, I was told that
M. le Lieutenant and the Secretary of Justice were below to
hear me ; I went to them, and here is word for word what
they said :
' '' Sir, the Magnificent Council was assembled until 3 o'clock
on your account, and your papers, having been examined,
do you much honour. I am delighted that the Council has
charged me with the care of liberating you, which I do with
pleasure. Continue to perfect your talents and always tell the
truth; there is nothing to oppose your establishing yourself
here after you have modestly petitioned to that purpose, and ii
you conduct yourself in the same manner. All your papers are
returned to you, and the secret of their contents is preserved.
The copy of the seventeen lines you gave M. de Voltaire yester-
day has been retained, and you are blamed for having kept it
Your conduct in this afifair has been satisfactory, but for very
good reasons you are forbidden to wear your sword during the
stay you make here, it being contrary to custom. In order
to diminish the cost of your imprisonment the entry in the
gaol-book will be erased, you will leave like a soldier, and
you will not pay any of the expenses connected with the
Auditors. Adieu, Monsieur ! you are free, and I am extremely
sorry for the annoyance which may have been caused to you." ' ^
* No date Original nnpoblished doetunent in the author's poBsenios.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 179
It will be noticed that this narration alludes very fnlly to
the presence and action of M. Gathala, which M. Desnoiresterres
takes pains to point oat is not mentioned in the statement by
GauUienr.*
The latter tells ns: "The house of Bousquet obtained
declarations which placed its employ6 honourably out of the
question in this obscure affair. . . . Grasset is not the only
person that Voltaire has chai^ged in his correspondence with
imaginary misdeeda.'
I recognise on the part of GauUieur a generous desire to
present a favourable view of Grasset's conduct, which is tbe
more natural, as it is evident that he was in relations with the
latter's family, and examined his papers after his death. It
should be added, however^ that GauUieur is considered an
impartial critic.
There is another very emphatic unpublished document
greatly to Grasset's credit, which should be added to his record,
being a letter &om M. de Bodon, junior,^ at Geneva, to M. de
Brenles, at Ussidres, August 15, 1755, in which he says:
' I have learned from M. Grasset, whom I have known for
some time, that you were connected in a manner with the
business of the bookselling establishment known under the
name of Marc Michel Bousquet and Company at Lausanne, and
that, in conjunction with the persons forming this society, you
have signed (for a certain person whose power of attorney you
possess' ) an agreement which he had communicated to me as a
friend, to the effect that this society had taken him into its
service, and had in consequence caused him to undertake the
journey to Spain and other places. In order to merit this act
of confidence which you have manifested towards him, he ought
to neglect nothing dependent upon him to recognise this benefit,
and render himself worthy of it by his attachment to the service
of this society ; but it would be very unfortunate for him if
while he is doing his best to that end, others worked during
' DesnoireBterres, Voltaire aux DAices^ p. 114. r
^ M. de Bodon, junior, of the well-known family of French origin, to which
belonged the celebrated David Derodon, who acquired such a great reputation
as a dialectician that a professor, finding himself one day greatly embarrassed
before an adversary whom he did not know, addressed him with these signifi-
cant words : ' Es diabolns aut Derodon.'
* lime, da TeU.
¥i 2
180 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
his absence to sap the foundations of his undertaking by
disparaging him in your mind and in that of many other
persons.
' The affair which happened to him here with M. Voltaire,
who I know is in correspondence with you, Sir, has given rise
to many reports to his disadvantage, which have no other
foundations than those put forward by his enemies. Thus it is
that truth once obscared with difficulty pierces the cloud with
which a crafty imputation has enveloped it.
* I name here no one ; I will content myself simply with
telling you, Sir, that having learned that there was a rumour at
Lausanne of M. Grasset having been banished from Greneva
upon leaving prison, I have thought myself obliged to say, Sir,
that the matter is absolutely false, and that Grasset came oat of
prison as soon as it was possible to throw full light on the
cause which had conducted him there. He w&t therefore
discharged as innocent. In consequence, his name has been
stricken off the gaol-book and the register of prisoners, and
when he left this town for the places of his destination en route
for Spain, he had a passport of this town delivered in good and
due form, signed by a Councillor of State, and sent out from
our chamceUerie bearing its arms and seal. This, Sir, is a
document which should suffice to confound those who wish to
ruin him by spreading abroad the rumour of his banishment.
As to the other insinuations with regard to his service in
the house of M. Cramer, a personal interview with you would be
necessary to explain to you the facts. It will therefore suffice
me for the present to tell you that he is completely covered bv
the receipt in good form which these gentlemen have given him
after the settlement of their accounts with him. I have seen
all these documents myself, together with all the correspondence
which he has had since leaving these gentlemen. By this
means I have also seen the correspondence he has had with the
said Voltaire concerning a certain manuscript which has brought
this thing upon him. He even said to me on this occasion that
he had left with you one of the letters which M. Voltaire had
written to bim. As it may be of use to him with others which
he already has before him from this gentleman and his secretarr,
if you would have the kindness to send it to him at his wife^
VAUD. BEBNE. AND SAVOY 181
address, yoa wonld oblige me greatly. I venture to persuade my-
self that however intimate yonr relations with M. Voltaire may be,
the reputation of probity which attaches to yon ever]rwhere will
not permit that an innocent person should be oppressed, or the
means of shielding himself from the injustices to which he is
exposed removed from him. I may tell you, Sir, that I know
M. Voltaire, and have had occasion to see him several times and
give him a number of letters, manuscripts, and other similar
things which M. le Due d'Uzds, premier peer of France, sent to
me for him ; but I promise myself that at the first opportunity
I have of seeing him again I shall tell him that he has been
fortunate in having to deal with a peaceable man, and that
with any other person he would not have come off so happily.
^ Neither science nor credit makes law. This principle well
established, it might be extended almost indefinitely ; but I have
troubled you sufficiently with this matter, which I thought it my
duty to place before you in the light of day, believing that you
might be prejudiced, as others have been, as to the truth of this
afiair. I am delighted, moreover, that this opportunity has
presented itself, enabling me to assure you of the sentiments of
respectful and perfect consideration and the sincere devotion
with which I have the honour to be,' etc.*
In considering the documents we have just read in con-
nection with the facts, we find that Orasset's statement that be
* AngDst 15, 1755. Unpublished oolleotionB of M. Ernest Chavannes.
M. de Bodon, junior, at the same time reealled himself to M. de Brenles in
these words : * Ton will be surprised to reoeiye a letter from a person of whom
a certain lapse of time and jroor distance from this town have caused you to
lose sight. I am taking the liberty of writing to you in order to renew our
aoqoaintance. Bemember, if you please, Sir, that Golden Age which the young
despise, and a part of which we passed together in our youth in pleasures and
reereatioii ; remember your .studies here [Qeneva] and the advantage and the
honour I had to dispute with you the prize for construing Terence in the second
class — the only prize of its land in that class — which you carried off over me,
who was then one of your competitors. The end of our version was * dum
adhac reoens est,' which I translated by these words, * While it is quite recent,'
omitting the word * adhuCf* stilly and so missing the prize. I will avow here
what I have never told you — the advantage you gained over me then roused
my anger and jealousy against you, which I could not vanquish. I could not
help feeling, in spite of myself, tiie value of your talents, and I have, perhaps,
antieipated as 8cx>n as anyone else the great reputation which you have
acqoiml. I have long since pardoned you. Sir, aU these little chagrins, which
were increased by my vanity and self-esteem (from that time vanquished) ; and
there only remains to-day the impression of your merit and of the superiority
of yoar talents. With these thoughts, permit me. Sir, the liberty of writing to
yon to testify idl my admiration and respect for you.'
182 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
had been invited by Voltaire to come to him is borne out by the
letter addressed to him by Voltaire's secretary, Golini. It is
also certain that Grasset, upon his arrival in Geneva, went to
the First Syndic, and, relating to him the circumstances, asked
his counsel ; and that the magistrate advised him to go, and to
endeavour to ascertain whether Voltaire was the author of ' La
Pucelle ' — for the authoritiee felt sure of the fact without having
any actual proof.
Making allowances for certain exaggerations Grasset's state-
ment of what took place may be accepted. But it is necessary,
in controlling his narration, to point out the important fact' that
he omitted to give the following passage from the discourse of
the Lieutenant of Justice to him in prison :
' It has been decided to pass lightly over the examination of
your papers, although you must feel that they ought to have
been your ruin. I can even tell you that if I were not lieu-
tenant you would perhaps be hanged in less than three weeks,
on the plea of a certain Cramer ; you understand me very well.'
This allusion means that Grasset had been in the employ of
the Brothers Cramer, and had been convicted of thefb.^ In
spite of this serious situation he was treated with singular
favour, for his name was not mentioned in the deliberations of
the Council, and although two copies of the verses were found
in his possession, he was released the day after his arrest.
Why? Probably on account of the secret mission to obtain
avowals from Voltaire with which he had been entrusted by the
First Syndic.
The statement concerning Grasset in Beuchot's pre&ce to
* La Pucelle ' is founded entirely on the letters of Voltaire
to d'Argental, Darget, de Brenles, and Poller de Bottens, and
in several essential points is in contradiction with the unpub-
lished documents which I have here given.
Grasset addressed a letter to Haller, which is given in that
interesting work, * La Vie Intime de Voltaire,' by MM. Lucien
Perey and Gaston Maugras. It corresponds, as far as it goes,
with that found in La Grotte, but does not contain many of the
most important passages. The learned authors, in a note, also
fall into the error of confounding Mile, du Thil, former femme de
' Begistres du ConseU, p. 443 ; Archives de Genive, 1755.
VAUD. BEBNE, AND SAVOY 188
Aamhre of Mme. da CMtelet, with Mme. du Teil, of Lansanne,
sister of Lojs de Bochat.
Voltaire had other causes of complaint against Grasset at a
later moment. I shall present in another chapter the nnpab-
liflhed letter of Febmary 11, 1759, from Voltaire to Professor
Bosset de Bochefort at Laasanne, in which he complains that
Grasset has falsely attribnted to him certain writings. Two
days later Voltaire wrote to Haller to place him on his gaard
against Grasset, and enclosing the following certificate :
' We, the undersigned, declare that the person named Francois
Grasset, haying robbed us during the space of eighteen years,
or thereabouts, while he served us in the capacity of clerk ;
the Magnificent Council required from us in 1756 a declaration
of what had passed ; that we complied with this order, and gave
it to M. TAuditeur de Normandie, accompanying it with docu-
ments which might prove his roguery ; wherefore the Magnifi-
cent Council issued against him a warrant of arrest. Geneva,
February 11, 1759. Signed, The Brothers Cramer.'
In passing, we may note that the foster-brother named in
Grasset's letter as golug with Voltaire to the Syndic was one of
the brothers, Gabriel Cramer.
The great Haller replied in a letter declining to intervene in
the dispute between Voltaire and Grasset ; and on February 16
Voltaire wrote to Bosset de Bochefort a second unpublished
letter, which will also appear later, complaining of Grasset's
conduct.
Professor Bosset de Bochefort afterwards interested himself,
and begged Mme. d'Aubonne (who is mentioned in Chapter
CXVin.) to use her good offices with Voltaire on Grasset's behalf,
in which she was successful, and rendered the subjoined un-
published account to the Professor, Geneva, August 10, 1763 :
' Sir, — I shall always be delighted to execute the commis-
sions you give me. It was only necessary to interest yourself
in the bookseller Grasset to make me neglect nothing on the
subject. I had the honour of speaking about him, as you
wished, to M. de Voltaire, and I was enchanted with the
extremely kind manner with which he listened to my request.
He assured me that he would beg M. Freudenreich, his friend,
to write to the Beigning Advoyer to ask permission for Grasset
184 HISTORIC STUDIES IM
to be allowed the exercise of his trade at Lausanne. Thns,
dear sir, I hope that this affidr will meet with no diffi-
culties.' '
Finally, Grasset wrote from Geneva, February 15, 1764, to
Professor de Bochefort, to thank him for his protection. He
says that he has decided to establish himself at (Geneva if
their Excellencies, * relieved of all prejudice against me,' will
permit it. He will occupy himself in publishing translatdoDS
of good English books, and does not propose to multiply bad
books. He signs the letter * Francois Grasset, bookseller, chez
Messieurs les frdres Martin, booksellers, at Geneva.' '
Twenty-two years after the difficulty with Voltaire concern-
ing ^La Pucelle,' and eight months before the philosophers
death, Grasset wrote the subjoined letter to him, dated Lausanne,
September 19, 1777:
* Sir, — ^There was a time when you generously had the good-
ness to favour me with some of your immortal works ; unforta-
nately I have been deprived of it for a good many years. No
one knows better than you. Sir, that when comedians perceive
that their receipts are diminishing, they immediately announce
the performance of one of your pieces. I am very nearly in the
same position, and I notice too perceptibly that the orders for
books which I used to receive from abroad are diminishing
also. Almost all the letters of my correspondents contain these
words : Have you a/ny new things of M. de VoUaire ? I reply,
having no better answer, that when one has composed fifty
volumes, as you have, Sir, which are destined to enlighten man-
kind, one reposes for a time on his laurels ; but they are not
satisfied with this reason.
* You have always acted. Sir, for the general welfare of ha-
manity. I have pressing need, even more than others, to take
a slight share in this distribution. I have been assured that
you have a new theatrical piece in your portfolio ; might I not
venture to beseech you to confide the printing of it to me, or of
anything that will please you ?
* MS. GoUeotions of Mme. Constantm Grenier, found by the author in La
Qrotte. Mme. d'Anlbonne or d'Aubonne, n^ Louise Honor6e Fran^ise de
S»us8ure de Beroher, married subsequently M. de Corcelles.
* Unpublished MS. Ck>lIections of Mme. Constontin Grenier, found by the
author in La Grotte.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 185
' I am, with the most sincere admiration and very distin-
gaighed and respectful consideration, Sir^ your very humble and
very obedient and faithful servant,
* P. Gbasset,
' Bookseller and printer at Lausanne.' ^
Had I not discovered the correspondence between Voltaire,
Bosset de Bochefort, and Mme. d'Aubonne, this letter would
have made Orasset appear in a still more unfavourable light ;
for, without any intervening information between his statement
in 1755 and this letter of 1777, it would seem incredible that
the man who declared Voltaire to be a knave should later declare
bim to have ' always acted for the general welfare of humanity/
Having set before the reader the documentary evidence in
the case of Voltaire versus Grasset, it is desirable to inquire
what was really the character of ' La Pucelle/ a poem com-
menced by Voltaire at least as early as 1726, during his inti-
macy with Mme. du Ch&telet, whose fmmne de chambre, as we
have seen, stole a copy. It is said that the idea originated in a
difiCQssion at the table of the Marshal de Richelieu, and from
that time Voltaire at intervals lavished all the resources of his
geuias on this filthy undertaking, in which he vilified the greatest
heroine of his race. La Harpe has justly said, ' There is not a
really honest man who does not blush in pronouncing the name
of this work.' Some of the admirers of Voltaire have defended
that author on the ground that its impious and libertine
language was intended, by contrasting the honeyed pleasures of
a voluptuous life with one given up to intrigues, ambition, greed,
or hypocrisy, to advance the truths of purity and freedom from
vice of all kinds. It must be confessed that the argument
neither explains nor excuses such a vile performance. Voltaire's
anxiety concerning its publication did not arise from any sense
of shame at its language and sentiments, but from fear that
it might draw upon him the most severe penalties because
powerful personages were therein insulted.
MM. Perey and Maugras, in speaking of the incident pre-
viously related, say, * His fright was extreme. He saw himself
already seized and carried a second time to the Bastille.' The
Councillor Tronchin relates that he was so alarmed as to need
* Aatograph letter in the author's nnpublished collections.
186 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
his soothing aid. ^ After I had represented to him the absurdity
of his fear that France would commit the imprudence to seize an
old man on foreign territory in order to imprison him in the
Bastille, I was compelled to express my astonishment that a head
organised like this should be deranged to such a point as I saw it.
Covering his eyes with his closed hands and bursting into tears,
* Yes, indeed, my friend, I am mad I ' was his only reply. '
In order to avoid the consequences of his attacks upon
various influential personages in ' La Pucelle,' Voltaire sent
Colini to Paris with orders to employ night and day a great
number of copyists in preparing manuscripts of the poem to be
scattered broadcast among the public. These manuscripts differed
from each other, and were all charged by Voltaire with infamies
and detestable verses, the latter being so arranged as to permit
him to disown the entire work with indignation.
No matter what additions may have been made to the lines
shown to Voltaire by Graeset, the poem itself, as eventually
published with Voltaire's authorisation, is worthy of the con-
demnation which Mme. de Bochat was told it deserved.
I have accorded a full measure of praise to the good side of
Voltaire's character, but it would be unfair not to mention his
various subterfuges, his irreligious works appearing under the
names of fictitious persons or of men no longer living, and dis-
owning them even upon oath when attributed to him, although
he had no hesitation in confessing that he had always in view
the entire destruction of the Christian religion.
Dr. Tronchin, writing to Rousseau, who was then on terms
of friendship with Voltaire, has left on record perhaps the most
truthful criticism of the poet :
' I have received, my respectable friend, your letters with the
eagerness which precedes and which follows all that oomes from
you, and with the pleasure which accompanies everything that is
good. I wish I could reply to you in the same manner concerning
our friend [Voltaire] ; but what can we expect from a man who
is only always in contradiction with himself, and whose heart has
always been the dupe of his mind ? His moral state has been from
his earliest infancy so scarcely natural and so deformed, that his
actual being is entirely artificial and resembles nothing. Of all
* Gaullieor, Etrevumt IfaUonaUs, 1865.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 187
contemporary men, the ona be knows the least abont is him-
self. All the relations between him and other men, and
between other men and him, are pecnliar to him. He has
wished for greater happiness than he coald pretend to. The
excess of his pretensions has indeed insensibly condncted him to
that injustice which the laws do not condemn, but which reason
disapproves. He has not carried away his neighbour's wheat,
he has not taken his ox or his cow, but he has plundered
in other ways, in order to give himself a reputation and supe-
riority which the wise man despises, because they are always
too dear. Perhaps he has not been sufficiently delicate in the
choice of means. The praises and the cajoleries of his admirers
have completed what his immoderate pretensions had begun,
and thinking that he is the master, he has become the slave of
his admirers. His happiness depends on them. This false
foundation has left immense empty spaces. He has become
accustomed to praise ; and to what does not one become
accustomed ? K habit has made it lose its imaginary worth,
it is because of vanity in estimation of himself. It counts for
nothing that which it has appropriated, and for too much that
which has been refused to it ; from which it follows finally, that
the insults of La Beaumelle give more pain than the acclama-
tions of the crowd have ever given pleasure. What is the
result ? The fear of death (for one trembles before it) does not
prevent complaints as to life, and not knowing to whom to
complain, one complains of Providence when one should be only
discontented with one's self.' *
This striking analysis embodies in a great measure the final
judgment of M. Desnoiresterres, who was perhaps the most
intimate friend that Voltaire has had in this century, and
through whose hands have passed the greatest amount of
original material. He told me that he considered it an impar-
tial portrait, though perhaps slightly exaggerated, and this idea
he has repeated in his printed work.'
Laurent Angliviel de la Beaumelle — whose attacks Tronchin
> November 1, 1756. — Jean-JiicquM Rousseau, ses Amis et ses EnnemiSf
par M. G. Streckeisen-Monltou, i. p. 322. Paris, 1865.
* * Si ce portrait manque de bicnveillance, il est impartial, an pea grossi
Gomme ce qae Ton regarde k la loupe.* — Desnoiresterres, Voltaire aux DUices^
p. 83.
188 mSTORIG STUDIES IN
oonsidered Voltaire felt more acutely than all the praises
he received — ^was bom at Valleraugne, France, in 1726, and
died at Paris in 1778.^ The anonymous letters which Voltaire
received at this time were sincerely believed by him to be from
La Beaomelle, although his enemies a^xsnsed him of fabricating
them himself.
This is Voltaire's reply of Jnne 25, 1767, to the petitions
of Madame de la Beanmelle, nie Lavaysse :
^ The lady who writes to me is the daughter of a man whom
I esteem, and the wife of a man who has insulted me. I do
not know whether her husband has been sent to the Bastille or
to Bic^tre, but I know that he deserves a more terrible punish-
ment for having insulted Louis XIV., the Duke Regent
d'0rl6ans, and all the Ministers.
'These are not literary follies, but crimes. They are, it
is true, the crimes of a madman, but they are none the less
punishable. The anonymous letter which I received is in the
office of the Ministers, and I have kept an exact copy. Every-
thing I have written on this subject is true, is proved, and will
be upheld by me.
* He belonged to a Protestant family, bat waa edneated in the Catholic
School of Charity at Alais. Bepairing to Geneva in 1746 he returned to the
Calvinistic faith, and held for a year (1749-1760) the chair of French literature
at Copenhagen, from whence he proceeded to Berlin and endeavoared to become
intimate with Voltaire — whom, however, he had already attacked in a book
entitled Mes Peruies. Being repulsed by the philosopher, at the instigation
of Maupertuis, he commenced against Voltaire a war which knew no trace.
He pubUshed at Paris, 1762, his Notes upon the SiSele de Louis XIV,, in which
he not only criticised the author, but imprudently attacked the Duo d'Orl^ans
and the Boyal Family, as well as the ministers and the most respectable men
of the kingdom. Voltaire replied, exposing his griefs and the obligations of
the other to him, and stating by whom La Beaumelle bad been excited against
him. Shut up for nearly a year in the Bastille, La Beaumelle won hia release
by an Ode upon the confinement of the Dauphine, but was nevertheless exiled
fifty leagues from Paris. He immediately recommenced his virulent oritioisms
of Voltaire, and also printed a Memoir to be used in a History cf Madame de
Maintenon, in which he treated that celebrated woman with indignity, and also
the person of the Grand Monarch. Having been accused of stealing from
Baoine's house certain letters of this lady upon which he had founded this
work, he was again thrown into the Bastille, and at the end of the year exiled
from Paris. He now engaged actively in the defence of Calas, contributing to
the release of that unfortunate man's daughters, and finally marrying the
sister of Lavaysse, one of the accused in this case. Strange to say, his suc-
cessful intervention in this suit did not bring about a reconciliation with
Voltaire, who had so courageously and vigorously defended these victims. In
1770 La Beaumelle was allowed to return to Paris, received the post of
librarian to the King, and obtained a pension. He died a few months later in
the house of his friend, La Condamine.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 189
^When one is guilty of such atrocities, there is only one
tiling to do — repent. Insolence is a bad resource for a man
laden with opprobriam. The passions of unbridled youth are
dearly paid for long afterwards. If the daughter of a worthy
man who has had the misfortune to marry so guilty a man
wishes to spare him the horrors attached to such evil conduct,
she ought to begin by making him blush with shame, and finish
by making him an honest man. It is only at this price that I
can forget infamous actions.' '
La Beanmelle, who was at Mazdres, in Foix, wrote July 13
to the Lieutenant-General of Police, M. de Sartines, that
Voltaire had written to Mme. de la Beaumelle and her father
letters, each word of which was a disgrace.
CHAPTER CXV
The ready pen of Mme. de Loys de Bochat had many other
things to do in her letter to M. de Brenles ^ of June 24, 1755
(see Chapter XIV.), besides criticising Voltaire's ' Epltre.' She
had sent to the poet on the 15th a copy of de Brenles' eulogy
on her husband. It had not arrived on the 18th, but she is
convinced it is now in the hands of Voltaire, who is said to be
at Monrion* ' I have been obliged,' she continues, ' to close my
cellars, there being no buyers, although I am in great want of
money. I should be much obliged to have your advice, Sir,
on the following. What I have in England in the public funds
was placed there in the names of my late husband and my own,
because the laws of the kingdom do not permit a married
woman to have any money placed under her name alone. As
there has been a good deal of expense incurred in transferring
the same to my name, I wish to know if it is the estate or
myself alone who must support it. I have not yet spoken of
■ Original letter in the aathor's unpublished collections.
' Then at his oh&teaQ of Ussi^res, three leagues from Lausanne, on the
Becne road, near Moudon.
190 HISTORIC STUDIES m
this to Mme. da Teil, who I feel sure would not wish to decide
this any more than I do. With your natural equity, do me the
favour to tell me what to do.' . . .
' Do not abandon yourself so entirely with Mme. de Brenles
to the pleasures of your sweet retreat that yon will forget tbe
friends you have here, in the number of whom I pray both of you
to count me as among the most attached. In your absence I bear
all the weight of the communications of M. de Watteville. He
overwhelms me with his translations two or three times a week.
You will see, Sir, by the date of my letter, that it was written
four days ago, because I counted upon the arrival of the
messenger that you announced to me some time since.
^ I have received a letter from M. Vemet. This ia what he
says about the Eulogy in speaking of the '' illustrious " deceased :
'' It appears to me worthy of him and admirably well turned.
I do not know from whose pen it comes, but assuredly it is im-
possible to desire anything better, and I am very happy to
welcome this piece, for it is more prominent and will be more
widely known than an epitaph ; it accords every possible honour
to the deceased while only speaking the truth.'' I saw the
Professor and his wife last evening on their way to the baths of
Valais. He confirmed all that he had said in his letter, and
went still further, adding that he had never seen a piece of this
kind which had given him so much pleasure. You may be sare,
Sir, that I rendered justice to the author by naming him.**
The appearance of Voltaire and Vemet side by side in this
letter strikes one as very odd, when we remember that it was
Vemet (Professor Jacob Vernet, 1698-1789) who, courageously
defending religion against the attacks of Voltaire, was* falsely
accused by him of having edited the impious pamphlet entitled
^ Dialogues Chretiens.' I cannot, however, go as far as M. de
Montet in saying that he did not solicit the editorship of Vol-
taire's ' Histoire Universelle,' and for the following reasons.
Vemet, who is mentioned several times in George Dey ver-
dun's Journal, was a friend and correspondent of Professor
Bosset de Rochefort. In a letter dated Geneva, April 2, 1754,
he condoles with the latter on the loss of his worthy father, an
> These funds later became the property of George Deyyerdon.
' Unpablished colleotions of M. Ernest Cbavannes.
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOT 191
excellent pastor. At this time Yemet was on good terms with
Voltaire, and in this epistle he says :
*We have nothing new here in a literary way except a
qnarto edition in Italian of the '' Historia Civile del Begno di
Napoli," by Giannone, wherein I have placed a sufficiently curious
acxx)ant of the life and works of the author ; the Essay of M. de
Voltaire on the '* Histoire Universelle," in which I have corrected
(?riith his approbation) various faults of the edition of Holland,
untQ the author himself corrects and augments this work, and
for which I also wrote the prefeice. They are about to publish
in octavo " Principes du Droit Naturel," by M. Duslinche, trans-
lated into Latin by one of our regents, a man of wit and a
good Latinist ; I have added some pages concerning the life of
the author. My '^ Instruction Chr6tienne," which is being printed
at La Neuveville, would have already appeared, had it not been
for the delay of the printer.' ^
In an unpublished letter, as late as February 11, 1759,
which I shall have occasion to cite later, to Professor de Rosset
de Bochefort, Voltaire says, 'The supposed quarrel with M.
Vemet, professor of theology, is another insult to this professor,
with whom I have never quarrelled, and whom I esteem and
love.'*
M. Vemet fills an important place in the writings and cor-
respondence of Voltaire, but after their disagreement he became
the subject of Voltaire's * La Lettre Cnrieuse,' written in 1756,
and of his * Eloge de THypocrisie,' of the same year, where the
distinguished man is thus addressed :
* Mais toi, panvre homme, ezordment de ooUdge,
DiB-moi quel hien, quel rang, qael privilege
n te revient de ton maintien cagot.'
Mme. de Loys de Bochat (July 5, 1755) asks Mme. de
Brenles if Dr. Tissot had made known to M. de Brenles his
marriage. ^ Perhaps the absorption of his time caused by an
epidemic which reigns at Lausanne may have prevented him.
This malady manifests itself by a stifiP neck, violent pains in the
head, fever, and with some, delirium. A son of M. [Polier] de
* From the unpublished ooUeotions of Mme. ConBtantin Grenier, discovered
by the anther in La Grotte.
« Jbid.
192 HISTOEIC STUDIES IN
St. Germain is actually at the point of death.' * She also writes
from Lausanne, Augusl 9, 1755, to Mme. de Brenles at
Ussidres :
^ I have been compelled by unfortunate circumstances to put
off so long answering your letter. Two days before its reception,
Mile, de Vufflens was in a very dangerous condition; after
Buffering three weeks from the malady, which appears to be that
which is prevalent and by which so many young persons and
servants have been attacked, unfavourable symptoms presented
themselves, and we feared to lose her.*
Mme. Mageran,n^6 de Buren, writing from Berne (July 10),
informs Mme. de Bochat that she has received through M. le
Bailli de Buren the Eulogy of M. de Bochat, whose death she
sincerely mourns. Mme. J. Mallet writes from Geneva (July 13)
to Mme. de Loys at Vidy, and asks, like Mme. de Leys de
Bochat, with interest and curiosity, if Dr. Tissot's marriage is a
success.
Dr. Tissot (1728-1797) here alluded to, 'the celebrated
physician of Lausanne,' as Voltaire calls him, whose learning
and diagnoses eventually drew to Lausanne a multitude of
eminent persons fi^m all countries, must be accorded special
attention in any historic study of Vaud. He sprang from an
ancient Italian family which removed to Vaud in 1400, in the
person of Etienne Tissot, from whom the Doctor was eleventh
in descent. Born at Grancy (Vaud), he studied at Greneva and
Montpellier, and came to Lausanne in 1 749 with the degree of
doctor of medicine. In the year 1755 he published a treatise
entitled ' Inoculation Justified,' which at once brought him into
public notice and laid the foundations of his great reputation.
This work (afterwards cited by Mirabeau, who attributed it to
La Condamine, in a letter persuading a friend to have his
daughter vaccinated) originated a friendship between Tissot and
the famous physician and philosopher, Jean Georges Zimnier-
mann of Zurich (1728-1795). The latter, having studied at
Gettingen under Haller, practised medicine for a time at Berne,
then at Brugg, and published in 1756 his work * On Solitude/
which bad a prodigious success in Germany, England, and France.
He was the author of other works, and through the friendship
' From the onpubliBhed oolleotions of M. Eraest Ghavannea.
PliRi.i': • • A.HY,
A^TO
T'.L?
\ \r>
VAUD, BBRNE, AND SAVOY 198
of Tissot (who had declined the post) was in 1768 appointed
physician to Oeorge lU. of England, at his electoral court of
Hanover. He experienced every kind of domestic sorrow, and
intellectual labours were his only resonrce. It is worth remem-
hering in connection with Tissot's kindly offices, which greatly
lessfflied the hypochondria of 2iimmermann, that the former
gained his doctorate by a thesis, ' De Mania, de Melancholia et
Fhrenitude/ Tissot also wrote a life of Zimmermann.
Zimmermann attended Frederick during his last illness at
Berlin, and published ' Select Views of the Life, Reign and
Character of Frederick the Great.' The French Revolution
deeply affected him, and he addressed to the Emperor Leopold
n. a memoir recommending a league of all the absolute
monarchies against the revolutionists.
I found in La Grotto a letter in Latin, dated Zurich,
February 20, 1754, from Zimmermana to Professor Rosset de
Bochefort. Speaking of his desire to have one of his works
translated, namely, ' A Dissertation on the Causes of Licredulity,'
be says that M. Ruchat, the historian, had promised to translate
bis ^ Meditetions on the Holy Communion.' He also mentions
a translation of six of his ' Dissertations on Theological Sim-
plicity,' by the son of M. Rocques, pastor of Basle. He says that
the publication of the ' Mus^ Zuricois ' had been reterded after
the twenty-eighth number, and the second part of his own works
bad also been stopped, because it had been difficult to find pur-
chasers.'
Next to this was a bundle of unpublished letters from M.
Pictet (1699-1788), pastor of Geneva;* from M. Francois de
Roches (1701-1769), professor of theology thero (sumamed the
Demosthenes of that city on account of his eloquence, and who
bad combated Mile. Marie Huber's book, ^ La Religion Essen-
tielle & I'Homme *), and from many others of distinction.'
■ From the uBpnblished ooUeoiionfl of lime. Constantin Qrenier, discovered
bj the anther in La Qrotte.
* The following is an entry on the public registerfl of Geneva: *The
Gomieil and the Venerable Company have good caase to regret the loss of
spectable Jean Francois Pictet, one of our most worthy pastors, who served
the Church daring fifty-two years with zeal and with the most happy results.*
' Marie Haber was the daughter of Jean Jacques Huber and Anne Cathe-
rine Calandrini, and was bom at Geneva 1695, dying at Lyons 1753. Brought
ap at liyoDB, where the Protestants were distinguished for their honourableness
ftod eoltare, she became an eminent religious writer at the mature age of
VOL. II- O
194 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
To return to Tissot. He married, as we have seen, in this
year (1755) a daughter of Professor d'Apples de Charridre, who,
having been deceived in her affectionB by her first husband,
obtoLQed a divorce. She was endowed with great sensibility of
mind, and possessed a happy character and an agreeable temper.
Her misfortunes not less than her personal qualities touched
the heart of Dr. Tissot, and determined him in his choice, in
which considerations of fortune had no part, for she only
brought him a dowry of four thousand livres, and a trousseau
valued at not more than three hundred.
Tissot was an omnivorous reader. In his father-in-law's
house the doctor found a large collection of books ; de Leys de
Bochat placed at his disposition the treasures of his lifaraiy.
D'Amay, Clavel de Brenles, and Alexandre C6sar Ghavannes
were his closest friends.
When Voltaire arrived at Lausanne, Tissot, as we have
seen, was in daily attendance, as Tronchin was at Geneva.
M. Charles Eynard, in his ' Life of Tissot/ says : ^ Although
admiring the genius of Voltaire, Tissot was shocked by his
littlenesses and the injustice of his temper. The riaXveU with
which this apostle of liberty asked for rigorous measures againnt
his adversaries, from whom he demanded to be continually pro-
tected, and above all the tenacity he displayed in overwhelm-
ing the bookseller Orasset, whose sole crime was in having
made money out of his sophisms and his blasphemies, finished
the enlightenment of M. Tissot as to Voltaire's tolerance and
philosophy.'
Tissot first came into notice at the time when he was asso-
ciated with his future father-in-law, Dr. d'Apples, as physician
to the poor of the town. It was while working among these
thirty-six, attraoting the attention of Voltaire by her polemioal works. She
was endowed with a beanty not often allied to Uieologioal pursuits, and her
piety and good works won the esteem even of the Catholic clergy. As I
have already remarked in vol. i. pp. 863-4, Mademoiselle Marie Huber's idea
was to simplify Christianity by freeing it from ^e dogmas and mysteries
incomprehensible to the human intellect, reduciog it to a smiUl nomber of
cardinal truths. She was essentially an enemy of Calvinist rigour. Seeking
to reconcile infidels with religion, her theories tend raUier towards Deism.
She denies in one of her publications the dogma of eternal punishment,
replacing it by purgatory. She also translated the most agreeable and osefal
parts of the Spectator into French. (Colonel Hnber-Si^din*8 nnpublished
MS. on the Hober family.)
YAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 196
classes that he became acqaainted witih their miserable oondi-
tion and the little ability displayed in matters of public
health.
^ The genius and experience of M. Tissot/ of which Gibbon
speab with admiration, soon found vent in his ' Advice to the
Public Concerning Their Health,' published in 1761, a manual
of popular medicine which obtained an immense vogue aud
placed him in the rank of universal celebrities. There were
nomberless editions of this work, in French, German, Dutch,
Flemish, English, Italian, Swedish, Danish, Hungarian, Spanish,
Bnssian, Polish, Portuguese, and Greek.
TiiEBot added to his &me by his work on * Inoculation,' a
copy of which he offered to Voltaire, who replied, * This work
is a seryice rendered to the human race ; ' and then, enlarging
upon his own wretched state of health, signed himself ' The
Invalid Voltaire.' Tissot, ignorant that Voltaire had made this
epithet an ordinary accompaniment of his name, thought that
he was in danger, and besieged his colleague Tronchin of
Geneya with questions as to this malady. Tronchin, with his
usual bmsque, good sense replied : ^ As to M. de Voltaire, an
always irritated bile, and nerves ever in a state of irritation,
haye been, are, and will be the eternal cause of his suffer-
ings.'
In this connection Charles Eynard, Tissot's biographer,
inentions a curious fact. In 1756 the Duke of Orleans yyished
to haye his children inocula^. When he consulted Louis XV.
the King curtly replied, * You are the master of your own
children.' And this paralysed the hands of all the Parisian
inocnlators. The Duke's choice then fell upon the Gtenevan
^nchin, who received for the operation ten thousand Scus,
without counting gold boxes and jewels. He was, in &ct, for
some weeks the man most in Cushion in France. The women
wore only hanmeU d Vinoevlationy and their morning gowns were
called tronchines, because this ^sculapius had recommended
matutinal exercise.
Bat Tissot's renown soon outstripped even these remarkable
demonstrations. He was rewarded in his own country by the
highest honours in its gifts, the bourgeoisie of Lausanne, admis-
sion to the Economical Society of Berne, and a gold medal
o 2 >
196 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
conferred upon him by the Board of Health. PatientB flocked
from all sides to consult him. The King of Poland o£fered him
the first medical post in his kingdom, but he preferred to reniam
at Lausanne, where Their Excellencies of Berne created in his
favour a chair of medicine.
In 1768 the Duke de Choiseul had intended to place him at
the head of a great hospital which he desired to see founded at
Paris, but the minister's fall prevented this. Tissot was con-
sulted at the same time by the Senate of Venice upon the
advantages and the dangers of inoculation, as well as upon the
means of introducing it into the Venetian States. In oonse-
qaence of his counsels the Republic in 1775 offered him a pro-
fessorship at the University of Padua.
Having been the companion and adviser of the Emperor
Joseph II. during his sojourn at Lausanne in 1777, he received
through him four years later the Chair of Medicine at Pavia,
where he created such enthusiasm among his students that
upon his departure they erected a monument in his honour.
He was a Fellow of the Royal Society of London, member of
the Royal Society of Medicine of Paris, of the Medical Physical
Academy of Basle, and of many other learned bodies.
The two unpublished letters of Tissot subjoined were ad-
dressed to the Abb6 Andr6 Morellet (1727-1819), who succeeded
to the chair of the Abb6 Millot in the French Academy in 1785.
Morellet possessed an admirable acquaintance with languages,
and a talent for analysis and derivation of words. He was
accordingly soon placed at the head of the editors of the
Academy's great dictionary. In 1764 he had translated Gatti's
' Reflexions sur les Pr6jug6s qui s'opposent an Progrds de
rinoculation en France,' which originated his acquaintance
with Tissot, who wrote to him from Lausanne, October 5,
1784 :
' Your politeness, Sir, and the kindness with which yon have
offered me your good offices, are the cause of my addressing
myself to you with the most entire confidence, to ask you the
favour to read attentively the subjoined memoir, of which I
also send a copy to M. de Neville, directeur gSndral de la
librairie ; and then to ask you what I should do. I would with
difficulty decide upon a law-suit, but I do not wish to lose the
VAUD, BEKNE, AND SAVOY 197
considerable snms advanced to M. D , whose proceeding has
not only absolutely prevented the publication of the volume
printed, but is the cause also of my not yet publishing, and
perhaps never publishing, the succeeding volumes, which are
those treating of special maladies, and to which the first four
serve as an introduction.^
' I suppose M. de Beaumont is at his country-seat. If he
is at Paris, might I venture to ask you to be kind enough, in
offering my homage, to communicate to him from me this
memoir ?
* You have made me hope that we shall have the pleasure
of seeing you again, and of having yon in this country for
some time. I much desire that nothing will cause yon to for-
get this plan, and that it will not meet with any obstacles
from your occupations ; for it would be one of the most genuine
pleasures that I can have.
' I have the honour to be, with infinitely distinguished con-
sideration, Sir, your very humble and very obedient servant,
* TissoT, M.D.' «
Tissot writes again to the Ahh6 Morellet from Lausanne,
March 8, 1785:
' I was very sorry. Sir, to hear by the letter which you have
done me the honour to write to me under date of November 30,
that mine had arrived at a moment when, having just returned
from a long journey, you must have been overwhelmed with
busiaess ; and I present you my excuses for this importunity.
I at first intended to wait several months before fatiguing you
again with this wretched affair, but during that time I occupied
myself with very great pleasure on the last choice of the French
Academy. It has placed you in the post to which the voice of
the public called you ; and who ought to have more right to
enter this illustrious body than the man who for so many years
has developed for the defence of the innocent everything that
language can have of energy, eloquence, and grace? If the
guardianship of our language ought to be confided to one
order of citizens alone, it should doubtless be to that of the
' Traiti des nerfs et de leurs maladies. Lausanne, 1782.
* Original antosraph letter in the author's unpublished coUeotions.
198 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
advocates. Your first work in your new state would tin-
donbtedly be your reception discourse; g^rant me beforehand
the pleasure of reading it.
^ I return you a thousand thanks for the warmth with which
you express your desire to be useful to me in my afihir with
M. D . I earnestly beg you to have the kindness to speak
about it to M. de Villedeuil. Discretion prevents me from having
the honour of writing to him in person. All that you tell me
and that I have heard about his honesty, his erudition, and his
politeness, assures me that he will be willing to render me the
promptest justice, or at least to undertake with you the means
of procuring it for me. I send you a new copy of the memoir,
and have the honour to reiterate to you the assurances of
the infinitely distinguished consideration with which I have
the honour to be, Sir, your very humble and very obedient
servant.'
Tissot had the habit of methodically arranging what he
considered to be his important letters, and of tossing the others
into waste baskets, the contents of which were deposited in the
attics of his country house at Monrion, where years afterwards
they were examined, and among them was found one of the
earliest known letters of Napoleon I., upon the exterior of
which the great physician had written, Lettre non r^pandm, p^
iniSressante. Such an unknown quantity was Napoleon at that
time!
Here is a translation of his letter, which unfortunately can
give no idea of the orthography, which one feels must have
then been Corsican :
< Ajaooio (Ck>rBioa), Apnl 1. 1787.
' Sir, — You have passed your days in instructing humanity,
and your reputation has reached as far as the mountains oi
Corsica, where a doctor is seldom heard of. It is true that the
brief but glorious eulogy which you have made on their beloved
general is quite sufficient to arouse among them a sentiment of
gratitude, and I am charmed to find myself in a position to
give utterance to it in the name of our compatriots.
'Without having the honour to be known to you, and
having no other letter of introduction than the esteem which I
have conceived for your works, I venture to ask the favour of
VAUD, BBBNE, AND SAVOY 199
yonr advice aboat one of my uncles who anffers from gout. It
will be an nnfortnnate beginning for my consultation when you
know that the invalid in question is seventy years of age ; but,
Sir, remember that one may live to a hundred or more, and my
unde by his constitution ought to be one among the small
number of these privileged persons. He is of medium height,
has not passed his life in riotous living either with women or at
the table, his habits are not too sedentary nor the contrary, he
has never been agitated by any of those violent passions which
derange the animal economy, and has hardly ever been ill
daring all his life. I will not say, like Fontenelle, that he had
the two great qualities necessary to live long — a good body
and a bad heart ; but I think that, having had a leaning to-
wards egotism, he found himself pleasantly situated, and has
had no occasion to develop all its force. A gouty old Genoese
foretold, when he was still young, that he would be afflicted
with this ailment, a prophecy which he founded on the fact
that my uncle has extremely small hands and feet and a large
head. I believe that you will consider the accomplishment of
this prophecy as only the effect of chance.
' His gout, in fact, came upon him at the age of thirty-two
years. The feet and the hands were always the seat of the
evil ; sometimes a period of fourteen years elapsed before the
pain returned ; ten years ago the duration of the attack was
two months, and on one occasion it lasted nine months. It will
be two years ago next June that the gout affected his feet;
since that time he has always kept to his bed ; from the feet
the gout communicated itself to the knees; the knees have
become considerably swollen, and since then all use of the
knee has been forbidden. Sharp pains in the knees and feet
were the result ; the head felt the effects also, and he passed
the first two months of his stay in bed in continual crises of
pain ; by degrees, and without the application of any remedy,
the swelling of the knees diminished, the feet were cured, and
the invalid had no other infirmity than an inflexibility of the
knees occasioned by the settling of the gout in the hams — that
is to say, in the sinews and arterie of motion. If he tries to
move the knees, acute pains oblige him to cease all movement.
He sleeps without any kind of movement, his bed is never
I
200 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
made np, the mattreasee are uiisewn, and the wool and tb^
feathers are shaken. He eats well, digests well, talks, leaoSf
sleeps, and his days glide bj, but without movement, m^^
the power to enjoy the charms of the sun ; he imploieB tb^
help of your science, if not to cure him, at least to fix in aomd
other part this troablesome complaint.
' Hnmanity, Sir, makes me hope that yon will deign to
reply to a consultation so badly explained. For the last month
I myself have been tormented with a tertian fever, and I doubt
if you can read this scrawl. I finish, Sir, in expressing to you
the profound esteem which the perusal of your works has m-
spired in me, and the sincere gratitude which I hope to owe
you.
^I am, Sir, with the most profound respect, your very
humble and very obedient servant,
* Buonaparte,
' Artillery Officer in the Begiment of La Fdre.
' A Monsieur Tissot, Docteur en m6decin, de la Soci6t6
Boyale de Londres, de TAcad^mie Medico-physique
de Bassle, de la Soci6t6 CEconomique de Berne, a
Lausanne, en Suisse.'
The seal on this letter is extremely well preserved, and
bears the arms of the fiftmily of Buonaparte surmounted by the
coronet of a count. Napoleon's letter demanded counsel con-
cerning the case of his grand-uncle, the Archdeacon of Ajaccio,
a man beloved and consulted by all the inhabitants of his can-
ton. The allusion to Paoli is taken from Dr. Tissot's treatise
on the health of men of letters, and it would seem natural tbit
such a compliment should have secured some attention froiP'
the great physician.
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 201
CHAPTER CXVI
Voltaire wrote to M. de Brenles (October 24, 1755) deploring
the death of the banker Giez at Monrion, and in conseqaence
of his grief he is incapable of replying to the flattering verses
of Mme. de Brenles.
To M. Bertrand (November 30) he gives the news which
first arrived concerning the great earthquake at Lisbon (Novem-
ber 1), and repeats the information in a letter to M. Palissot
(December 1) :
'The disaster of Lisbon and Portugal is only too well
known at Geneva. Several families of merchants are interested
therein. Not a house actually remains in Lisbon; all is
engnlfed or in flames. Twenty towns have perished; Cadiz
for some moments was submerged by the sea. The little town
of Conil, a few leagues from Cadiz, was destroyed from one end
to the other. It is the Last Judgment for that country ; only
the Trumpet was wanting.'
December 2, he tells M. Polier de Bottens that Mme. Denis
has returned enchanted with him, and penetrated with the kind-
ness of his heart. ' She speaks only of you and of our dear
Mend, M. de Brenles. There is neither an illness nor a pre-
scription of Dr. Tronchin which holds good, and I must go to
Monrion to place myself in the hands of Dr. Tissot, even if I
am to be dissected like my poor friend Giez. I consider that I
am writing to M. de Brenles when I write to you. ... Would
yon believe that they think at Geneva there must have been an
earthquake in France as well as in Portugal, because the post
has failed to arrive to-day ? God preserve us ; the Alps are a
good protection against the shocks. They are in every sense
the asylum of repose. The Protestants saved at Lisbon, and
the Liqnisition engulfed, are not the effect of the prayers of
St. Dominique.'
Ten years later, Philippe Deyverdun, a younger brother of
George, writing from Lisbon to his aunt, Mme. de Bochat,
remarks upon the sad change still visible in that once beantifal
dty, owing to the great earthquake in 1755.
202 HISTOBIG STUDIES IK
Strange ramours had reached Switzerland of the destruction
of Philadelphia, and Voltaire writes to the Duchess of Sftze-
Goburg-Gotha, Febmary 10 : ' We are told that the English are
in a bad way in America, and the French on the sea. The
savages allied to France have laid waste with fire and sword
Philadelphia, the capital of Pennsylvania — at least, this is what
an Iroquois Jesuit writes to a Lorrain Jesuit. The English
revenge themselves by seizing all the French vessels they meet
with;
Two days later he announces to M. Pictet, Professor of Law
at Geneva : ' I begin to doubt the destruction of Philadelphia.
Although I have this news from King Stanislas, I do not doabt
that the Minister of France will send, as you say, help to
America in detached vessels.'
These contradictory statements bring before one the atmo-
sphere of the time and the uncertainties of each succeeding
moment. There were wars and rumours of wars in the Old
World and in the New.
Voltaire had previously written from Monrion (February 6,
1756) to M. de Labat, Baron de Grandoourt, at Geneva:
' You are a very amiable man to deign to enter into the little
annoyances of others. Since you are so benevolent, my dear
Baron, do everything for the best ; pay all the marshals. I
wish you would give advice to those of France. I think they
will be slightly embarrassed on the sea-coasts, and will have
trouble to render justice on the high seas. God is nsnaUy with
great fleets, as He is with great battalions. The India Company
may find itself in difficulties on account of all this quarrel. 1
have long been wishing to make a journey to Geneva, and to
pay a visit to M. de Prangins (M« Louis Guiger), but I do not
know whether he is at Geneva or in his ch&teau. Preserve
your friendship for me. Mme. Denis and I preseat our very
humble obediences to all your family. Do not forget me, I pny
you, with your neighbouring ^Esculapius.' *
From Les D^lices on Easter Sunday, 1756, to M. Lambert:
* Autograph letter in the author's unpublished coIleotionB. M. de Labat
is mentioned in Voltaire's letter to M. Vemes, from Monrion, January 89, 1756,
and in the Querre CivUe de OerUve. He was a French refugee, who, by ^^
of honest industry, had amassed a fortune of two millions of francs. He died
in 1776.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 308
' In re-reading your last letter, I saw tliat yoa asked me to send
yon the new edition of my " Petit-Car§me," * by the post, and
that yon wished to republish it immediately for the use of devout
souls. I obey therefore your good intention, my old friend. If
it is not desirable to make use of the preface of the Geneva
editors, it would be necessary to have one that is conceived in
the same taste, and which will show how much these two poems
have been shortened and disfigured. It is assuredly very
unfortunate that they were printed without my latest wishes
being known, but so it is. I also am making war on the
English after my own fashion. I hope M. le Marshal de
Richelieu will prove to them in his own fashion that there is
evil for them in this world. I salute you.-V.' »
Voltaire to M. de Brenles, June 9:^1 interest myself more
in you, my dear friend, and in the increase of your &mily, than
in all the news of the Iroquois and of Port Mahon. I pray yon
to give me the latest information about yourself; is it a girl or
a boy? How is Mme. de Brenles? ... If by your kind
offices or by those of M. Polier de Bottens I could have an
intelligent domestic who even knew how to use a pen, I should
be infinitely obliged to you.'
He mentions to M. Polier de Bottens, June 15, that he has.
heard of the death of Colonel Cionstant. This Colonel Constant
was Philippe Germain, second son of Lieutenant-General Samuel
de Constant de Bebecque (by his wife Bose de Saussure), and
uncle of the famous Benjamin Constant.
In answer to Voltaire's of June 9, M. de Brenles writes :
* I hasten to acquaint you with my joy, my dear philosopher.
Mme. de Brenles presented me yesterday with a son. Up to
the present everything goes on well for the mother and the
child ; but the first began so well and ended so sadly. Such is
the fate of our poor human race ; our greatest pleasures are
always mingled with some trouble. I ask your philosophical
blessing for this child ; he could not make his entry into the
world under more fiavourable auspices. I have found for you
a servant, whom I recommend ; he comes fix)m Lutry, one league
< Petit-Carime, ou Sermons was the name Voltaire gave bis two poems, Loi
Naturelle and Le Disastre de Lisbonne,
' Aatograph letter in the author's unpublished collections.
204 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
from Lausanne, and belongs to very honest people. He under-
stands the service very well ; his last master, who is dead, was
a wealthy financier of Paris, with whom he remained five years.
He has excellent certificates from the different masters he has
served. He would not fix the amount of the wages he expects ;
he proposes a trial of a few months, after which, if he pleases
you, you can come to terms with him. Writing is not his
strong point, but he is very ambitious, and flatters himself that
at the end of a few months he will satisfy you on this point as
on the others. All the information I have received is favour-
able to his trustworthiness, his mildness, and his discretion. He
is thirty years of age. If you have any news about Mahon,
I should be obliged if you would let me know. It is incon-
ceivable how many fables have been written at Geneva. . . .
Is it true that Golini has left you ? I am sorry for it. It
seems to me that this young man had merit, and that he suited
you.' *
Voltaire again to M. de Brenles, June 27 : ^ The best of
worlds possible, my dear friend, is very sad for those who lose
their children, and for those who see their sickly substance fade
away. I belong to this latter category, and although suffering
I sympathise tenderly with you in your losses. I do not know
if Mme. de Brenles is as good a nurse as she is an honest
woman, or if she has enough milk to nourish a Swiss. I advise
her to try a robust peasant woman for her next infant. I have
had at my Petites DSlices your fiiend M. Polier de Bottens, but
he only slept here one night. I hope to see yon again occa-
sionally at my ease at the end of the autumn. You will find
me even more ailing than you have ever seen me, but always
very resigned. People who love exciting news hope that two
empresses will shortly kiss the King of Prussia. These are two
queens of Saba who do not pretend to consult Solomon. Lovers
of liberty are not sorry for the little example which Sweden
has just given to despots. I am sorry for it on account of his
noble majesty Ulric, whose very respectful servant I was.
Long live the sweetness of retreat ! The more I indulge in it
the more content I am with it. But I ought to share this
retreat with you. Mme. Denis sends you a thousand compli-
* Unpublished collectiona of M. Ernest Chayanoes.
VAUB, BERNE, AND SAVOY 205
ments. I salute you with all my heart, and am yoars for
life.— v; '
M. Bemouilli,^ in a letter from Basle, July 11, to M. de
Brenles at Lausanne, speaks of M. Jacot, an eloquent preacher,
governor of M. Bourcard, junior. 'The councillor Bourcard
will be pleased if you will give immediately to his son' the
best dancing-master to be found at Lausanne, not only for half
an hour, but for a whole hour each day, taking the only pre-
caution of choosing the most convenient hour. The arrange-
ment you have made for his stndies appears to me of the best.
We owe you every obligation ima^nable for the time you have
been good enough to grant to him yourself. His principal
object should be the study of French, not merely to speak it
correctly, but also to be able to write in its idiom with taste.
If you find that M. Jacot is equal to the task of accomplishing
this object, it will be all the better ; but in truth I doubt if, at
his present age and without having perhaps yet written much
himself, he is capable of forming the style of a young man.
We will make the trial while you are at your country seat, and
if on your return you find that my fears are founded and do
not wish to take this matter on yourself, I will pray you to
place the youth under the care of the master you shall judge
the most capable, for no expense is to be spared.
'I share most sincerely, my dear friend, in the loss you
have just sustained of your new-bom, after the first had already
been taken. ... I did not know that M. le Marquis de Gtentil *
^ From Lea D^oes to Ussidres. Unpablished oollectionB of M. Ernest
Chftvannes.
' The distinguished Daniel Bernonilli (1700-1782), professor at Basle,
belonging to a remarkable family, which furnished James Bernonilli (1664-
1705)f whose discoveries in mathematics have immortalised his name ; James
Bernouilli, junior (1759-1789), professor of mathematics at St. Petersburg ;
John Bernouilli (1744-1807), astronomer royal at Berlin; and John (1667-
1748), professor of mathematics at GrOningen. The letter is signed *Ber.
noully.'
' * Je suis parti de Lausanne la veille de P&ques pour venir voir un M.
Boorcard de Basle, fort de mes amis ; il est ici auprds du Comte de Gagliostro,
poor profiter de ses remddes. Vous aurez entendu parler peut-dtre de cet
homme extraordinaire k tons 6gards. Gomme j'ai 6t6 assez mahule tout Phy ver,
je profite anssi de ses remddes ; mais oomme le tems du s^jour du Ck>mte ici
n'est rien moins que sfb:, le mieux sera que vous m'^oriyiez 4 M. D. ohez M.
Bouicard da Kirshgarten, 4 Basle.' — Letter of Deyverdun to Gibbon, from
Strasburg, le 10 Join 1783. Jacot, ' excellent preacher,* in D.'s Journal.
* The Marquis de Gentil married the daughter of Lieutenant- General
Samuel de (Constant de Bebecque.
206 HISTOKIC STUDIES IX .
was at Lansanne ; has he taken np Ids residence there ? I pray
you to recommend me to the attention of his remembranoes
and his friendship (while assuring him of my homage), which
flatter me infinitely. ... As he undoubtedly frequents a great
deal the house of M. de Chavannes, he will permit me to
recommend to him somewhat young M. Bourcard. Does he
know that M. de Maupertuis is at present in France, and that
he has been readmitted into the Academy of Sciences in his
quality of " veteran " ? A propos of M. de Maupertuis, what is
M. de Voltaire doing ? I know that you see him a great deal;
does he remember me? When at Colmar he had his com-
pliments sent to me, and I pray you to return them for me.
Have you any relations with M. Tissot, the doctor ? We have
here a young doctor of great promise who has just introduced
inoculation among us, and who would much wish to correspond
with him ; could not this be arranged through you ? ' '
M. de Bamewall writes to Voltaire, August 3, 1756 :
' Tou will no doubt be surprised. Sir, that a man who has
not the advantage of being known to you should take the
liberty to write to you. I had for a long time searched for the
means which might procure me the pleasure of your corre-
spondence. This ambition is too noble that I should not take
the credit of it, even with regard to yourself. Bom with a
taste for literature and a certain talent for poetry, I have
cultivated the little genius that I have by the perusal of the
best authors of my country and of yours, among whom I owe
much to your works. I had determined to give a translation
of your fine tragedy of Alzire ; the noble and grand sentiments
which shine all through this piece had caused me to choose it
above all the others, which, although of equal merit, appeared
to me less suitable for the English theatre. I have just been
interrupted in my work by one of my friends, who informs me
that it has been translated already. I have written to London
to know the truth of the matter, but as they have been unable
to enlighten me, I have taken the liberty of addressing myself
to you, for you doubtless know better than any one if it has
been translated or not. I blessed the opportunity which
furnished me a pretext for asking you to enter into correspond-
' Unpublished collections of M. Ernest Gbavanncs.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 207
ence with me, of wHch in troth you alone will bear the
expense ; bnt you are so rich, Sir, that yon will be able easily
to meet it. Will you therefore have the kindness to tell me if
any one has anticipated me in the translation of Alzire ? I am
aware that several of yonr tragedies have already decorated the
English stage, and the theatres of London and Dublin have
re-echoed with as much applause when those pieces appeared
as those of Paris. Two years ago I saw one of the theatres of
Dublin torn to pieces in an instant by the furious spectators,
because an imprudent actor had refused to repeat for the third
time a scene of Zaire. 6engiscan [Gengis Elian] has just been
translated into our language, and if I am not mistaken it has
already been played. But as for Alzire, I have never heard it
said that it had been translated. This long letter, which will
appear to you so badly written, will perhaps make you fear to
receive another ; but I pray you to remember, Sir, that when
one writes for the first time to a man like you, one cannot
write with all that fiuniliarity which alone can give charm to
letters.
' I have the honour to be, with a very profound respect, Sir,
your very humble and very obedient servant, etc.
*Taiin, this Srd day of Angnst, 1756.
*P.S. — ^Will you have the kindness to address me at the
Auberge d'Angleterre, at Turin.' *
M. P. Wesselowsky writes from Geneva to Voltaire,
February 15, 1757 : *I am well aware how little a eulogy from
a private person, however just it may be, can make an im-
pression upon a taste as delicate as yours, especially after the
praises which the whole of enlightened Europe has heaped upon
you ; but when I have the honour to inform you that there is no
country in which your merit, your talents, and your rare genius
are better recognised, more honoured and admired, than in
Russia, my native land, I flatter myself that this new intelli-
gence will not be indifferent to you. I will add further that, in
the number of all your admirers, there is one person of the
court, among the most distinguished by his virtues, his
knowledge, and his high rank, who is the most penetrated
' Autograph letter in the aathor's unpublished oolleotions. Aaron Hill's
traiiBUtion of Alzire was published in Dublin in 1736.
208 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
with your talents. This is M. le Comte Jean Schonwalof,
Chamberlain and Lientenant-General of Her Majesty the
Empress of the Bnssias, Knight of the Order of the White
Eagle, and of several others. This lord, zealous for the hononr
of his native land and for the glory of Peter the Great, is like
me persuaded that a more signal service could not be rendered
to Russia than by engaging you, Sir, to write the history of the
reign of this great monarch. What work is more worthy of
you and what pen more worthy of this hero to transmit his
glory to posterity ? This lord, who does not flatter himself in
being able to induce you to visit his country to begin such
a work, hopes that in your retreat here you will have no
reluctance to undertake this history, which cannot fail to add
fresh lustre to your brilliant reputation, and which will be the
more easy to execute since this lord can send you all the
necessary memoirs and materials. There is, moreover, a
collection of gold medals illustrative of the principal events
of the reign of Peter the Great, which might aid you in this
work, and which he has charged me to offer to you, Sir, as
a mark of friendship and of the esteem in which he holds yoa.
In sending them to you he would be flattered by your acceptance
of them.
^ I will not attempt to express to you, Sir, the satisfaction I
feel at having acquitted myself of a commission so flattering for
me ; nothing can equal it, except the hope that I have been
able to succeed in my negotiation. Would you do me the
favour to acquaint me with your intention, and to accept the
assurances of the sentiments of the highest esteem with which I
have the honour to be,' etc.
Five days later he again addresses Voltaire : ^ I have this
moment received the letter which you have done me the honour to
write to me in reply to mine. As it coincides with my wishes
as well as those of M. le Comte Schouwalof, you may imagine,
Sir, that I shall not lose an instant in sending your letter to
him, and that he will be as charmed with this good news as I
am with the success of my negotiations. I congratulate myself
upon it with all my heart.
' It would be impossible to think more judiciously or more
justly than what you have done me the honour to say concerning
YAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 209
the general plan of the work in question. I have the honour to
be, Sir/ etc,*
M. de Steiguer writes from Vienna to M. de Brenles at
Laasanne, June 19, 1757 : 'To pass through Lausanne without
seeiog you is the fate of Tantalus ; it is a very evident proof of
the subjection in which we are held by women, to whose caprices
we are often obliged to sacrifice our pleasures. If I had not
been under the rule of three females I would have had the
advantage of spending several days with you. I assure you
that I regret Vevey beyond all expressions.
* •< nie terrarum mihi praBter omnes
Angolus ridet.*'
'A society, useful, easy, unvarnished, unostentatious, and
imtronbled, is doubtless what is suitable to the reasonable man.
The idea of such a life brought together the first human beings.
Agitation, vices, disorders, the lack of pleasure in so many places
called CI pitals, make one regret the country, and lend proba-
bility to the humiliating system of the citizen of Geneva.
'Speaking about disorder, M. Crousll has been punished
severely. Is example, therefore, so necessary with you? I
preach here the great principles of misunderstood interests.
Each one believes he has already thought or said all about it,
but I greatly fear that here the interest of several will have the
same effect as in France — ^the interest of one alone. General
matters occupy us a great deal. We see with astonishment the
perturbation of Europe. There is always alarm when it is not
in history that one contemplates such movements. Ah, Thucy-
dides! your little war of the Peloponnesus, written with so
' This correspondence of Bnssians with Voltaire, now first pnbb'shed, is
among the mannscripts in the author's possession. The M. Wetslof (or Wes-
aelomSky) mentioned was a favonrite of the Empress Elizabeth. Another
aatogmph letter is from ^e Bossian Charg6 d' Affaires at Paris, M. Theodore
Beckteteff, September 8, 1757, to Voltaire, in which he conveys a letter from
* M. le Chambellan de Schnwijow,' and offers to take charge of the reply. M.
Becktoeff's diief , the Bassian Ambassador at Paris, was the Count de Bestu-
cheff-Binmin (1686-1760). The author also possesses Voltaire's autograph
letter to If. Boris de Soltikof , in which he asks for the correct manner of
writing the names of certain Bussian sects, bearing on the back M. de
Soltikof 8 i«ply. Both are published in Beuchot under the date of June 1759,
with ihe exception of the following lines in M. de Soltikofs reply : < With
your permission I will come to-morrow to taste the soup cJies vous. I shall see
at the same time what it is. All these drdles [referring to the sects] are really
stupid, as fanatics are everywhere/ M. Boris de Soltikof was a nephew of the
Field Marshal of the same name.
VOL. II. P
210 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
mnch art and so mnch emphasis, is not to be compared with
what is going on to-day.' *
Grolowkin opens to us the correspondence of Mile, de
Chabot, who writes to Mme. de Brenles in 1757 : ' Our King,
our dear King of Prussia (Monsieur, it is you whom I address,
for you have a wife with an iron heart), has been defeated,
thoroughly beaten ; he is even thought to be among the pri-
soners. . . . That is not all, for in this connection M. de
Cottons [Noble Crinsoz, Seignior of Cottons] becomes a prophet,
a true prophet like Jeremiah, Malachi, etc. During all the
successes of the Ejng of Prussia he must have said : ^' He may
try his best, but he must and will be overthrown." What do
you think of it? My catechism has in consequence been
altered, and I am asked every morning, " Grois-tu en Cottens ? " '
Shortly after she writes : ' M. de Voltaire is here. He has
received a very obliging letter from the King of Prussia, bnt
written in a very lugubrious tone.' She mentions Mme. [de
Saussure] de St. Cierge, who rides a horse en amazone, and
whose mother no longer cries, * MaTUMy prenez garde ! ' * Mme.
du Lignon dances cdlemandes without being thought extra-
ordinary.'
In the same year she writes to M. de Brenles : ^ M. de
Voltaire has left. He related the other day in company that
meeting Mile. Lisette Polier, he said to her, "Is it you,
mademoiselle, who have made fun of us ? " " No, sir, it was
my aunts." Tou understand that he added to that a very
profound bow. The story is good, but there is not a word of
truth in it.'
CHAPTER CXVII
Gibbon says : ' The highest gratification which I derived from
Voltaire's residence at Lausanne was the uncommon circum-
stance of hearing a great poet declaim his own productions on
the stage. He had formed a company of gentlemen and ladies,
some of whom were not destitute of talents. A decent theatre
was framed at Monrepos, a country house at the end of a suburb ;
* Unpublished collections of M. Ernest ChaTaunes. (MS.)
VAUD, BEKNE, AND SAVOY 211
dresses and scenes were provided at the expense of the actors,
and the author directed the rehearsals with the zeal and atten-
tion of paternal love. In two successive winters his tragedies
of ZiuLre^ Alzire, Zolime, and his sentimental comedy of the
En&nt Prodigue were played at the theatre of Monrepos.
Vbltaire represented the characters best adapted to his years,
LnBignan, Alyar6z, Benassar, Enphemon. His declamation
was ^shioned to the pomp and cadence of the old stage, and
he expressed the enthusiasm of poetry rather than the feelings
of nature. My ardour, which soon became conspicuous, seldom
failed of procuring me a ticket. The habits of pleasure fortified
my taste for the French theatre, and that taste has perhaps
abated my idolatry for the gigantic genius of Shakespeare,
which is inculcated from our infancy as the first duty of an
Englishman. The wit and philosophy of Voltaire, his table
and theatre, refined, in a visible degree, the manners of Lau-
sanne ; and, however addicted to study, I enjoyed my share of
the amnsements of society. After the representation of Mon-
repos I sometimes supped with the actors.'
And in his Journal: 'January 23, 1758. I saw Alzire
acted by the society at Monrepos. Voltaire acted Alvarez ;
d'Hermenches, Zamore ; de St. Cierge, Gusman ; M. de Gentil,
Monteze ; and Mme. Denys, Alzire.' ^
In order to facilitate the representations of Voltaire's plays
at Monrepos a communication was opened through the house
wall and an adjoining hay loft ; the actors were thus in full
view of the spectators, who were within the ch&teau. During a
representation of Zaire, at which the celebrated Haller was
present, wlien Lusignan said to Ch&tillon :
* En qaels lieuz sommea-notis ? aidez mes faibles jeuz 1 '
a caustic liausannois cried out :
* Seigneur I o'est le grenier do maitre de ces lieaz.'
The following unpublished letters in my possession, written to
I Monrepos was the property of Philip Frederick, Marqnis de Qentil de
Langalerie, who married the daughter of General Samuel de Constant de
Rebecqae, and died at Monrepos in 1773. He was likewise Seignior of AUaman
in Taad. The genealogy of his family, beginning in 1554, is in the possession
of the grand-nephew of his wife, the Baron Victor de Constant de Kebecque,
of HanteriTe.
p 2
212 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Voltaire by the Marquise de Gentil de Langalerie, rUe de Gon-
Btant de Bebecque (sometimes styled the Marquise de Mourepos,
after the name of her husband's estate), illustrate the intimacy
between her family and Hhe philosopher/ besides giving
glimpses of various historical characters. Writing from Carls-
ruhe, October 22, 1765, she says:
' I have returned from a court, Sir, of which you are the
idol ; all who compose it render you homage, cherish you,
regret you, think Switzerland too happy to possess you. What
satisfaction did I not feel at proving to them, by my admiration
and my attachment, that we knew how to appreciate the happi-
ness we enjoy too rarely ! I spent a month very agreeably at
Lun^ville. The good Eing vegetates, and by his impatience
abridges still more the few days he has to live. The court is
numerous, but, like the Jesuits, they each have a foot in the
stirrup, ready to disperse at his death. Madame la Marqnise
de Boufflers is still there, safely anchored with all her family ;
she is charming and kind, and employs her credit only in doing
good. Her son, the Chevalier, makes the prettiest verses, rides
horses to death, and is greatly loved by all, having Ferney
always for the object of his travels. They are all very good to
my youngest son ; their kindnesses, with which I am much
touched, cannot be enumerated. I have arranged his little
establishment at the Academy, where he is very comfortable
through the help and the friendships which he has received.
I have the best evidence of it and the best hopes. I have
succeeded, not without trouble, in procuring my eldest son's
discharge from the Wtlrtemburg service ; he is going to enter
the Swiss Guards in Prance. They are now both in that
service, but as Swiss. I would have liked to see them there as
Frenchmen.
< I have returned again for some time to Carlsruhe, where
their Highnesses [the Margrave and the Margravine of Bade-
Dourlach] recall with delight the days you granted them of your
company. They have charged me to remember them to you
with all the sentiments with which you have inspired them, and
to mention the joy they would experience in seeing again that
incomparable and adorable Monsieur de Voltaire.
' With them we lead a philosophical life which has many
VAUD, BEKNE. AND SAVOY 213
attractions. Each of them might be held up as an example,
both as private individuals and as royalties. The comparison
with the neighbouring duchies is certainly in their favour ; and
the comparison between the life of sovereigns and that of repub^
licans is in favour of the latter, which shows that, although
agreeably situated, once my mind is at rest with regard to my
children, Monrepos and the happiness of making court to yon at
Femey will limit my desires and my ambition.
* Will Mme. d'Enis [Denis] accept my most tender obedi-
ences, and do not forget me to Mme. Dupuis and the persons
who have the pleasure to live under your auspices. I have the
honour to offer you, not the incense due to you, but the consid-
eration and the attachment for you. Sir, with which our hearts
are filled.
'De Gentil-Langalerie.
* Madame la Marquise des Harmoise has charged me with so
many messages, Sir, that I can only mention the sentiments of
attachment which she preserves for you, and which she begs you
to return to her.*
She writes again to Voltaire from Monrepos, March 22,
1768 :
* Our country is about to lose its most resplendent figure,
Sir ! We are confounded and stunned by the news. We did
not deserve the happiness of possessing you, but we felt the
value of it, and we shall be painfully aware of the distance
which separates us. I sympathised so much with Mme. d'Enis
[Denis] at leaving a respected and cherished uncle who was
worthy of being loved. At present I weep for ourselves. You
carry away with you. Sir, all our regrets ; our hearts and our
best wishes will follow you everywhere. But is it quite true that
you are selling Femey? — that Femey created by you — ^that
Femey whence so many sublime and charming productions have
issued, where you have aided those whose sentiments of admira-
tion conducted them there to render you homage, to pass so
many happy moments, where you made yourself adored by your
beneficence ! Tes, M. I'AbbS de St. Pierre made this epigram
on you, and you proved the justice of it every day.
^ I am beside myself with despair because I am not rich
enough to purchase your estate ; with what pleasure would I
214 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
not place there all my belongings ! What price does it not
possess in my eyes from haying been inhabited by you !
' I shall recall with gratitude and delight all my life the
agreeable times I have spent there. Preserve yonr kind recol-
lections of us, Sir ; we should be too unfortunate if we did not
belong to you in this manner, as you belong to us in our hearts.
It is even by daring to count upon this that I have the honour
to inform you that our children have just been granted native
rights in Poland ; I have received the news through the son of
the Palatine of Bussia. It is of no value until something else
can be added to it ; we must await the course of time and events.
I would have preferred to see them re-enter into possession of
their patrimony in France. We must take what comes to us,
and hope on. The Marquis and his sons present their respects
to you, Sir, and the former's wife her devotion and her most
inviolable attachment.'
On September 21, 1879, 1 walked fix)m Lausanne to Mon-
repos, then the property of M. Perdonnet. Passing the house
of M. Emile de Crousaz, grandson of Mme. de Montolieu, and
Yillamont, the seat of Count de Pilckler-Muskau (who married a
de Constant, and is a relative of the traveller Prince de Piickler-
Muskau of the last century), I reached Monrepos. A handson^e
lodge and fine gates guard the grounds, and a stately avenu)
conducts one to the modem house, whose twe^^ty-seven windows
would have disturbed Voltaire's happiness. "^S^
M. Perdonnet received me witJi great politen^i^^d gaye
me the following information. His father purchasedt!li^|laj^
in 1818 from a relative, M. HoUard. The old hoase wa^K?
standing, and one of its rooms (the present diniDg-room) and^
portion of the walls are included in the present mansion. T^
former dwelling was much smaller and more simple than t^
present, and the grounds more limited. M. Perdonnet's fatl^
bought the two estates lying south on the other side of ^
route.^ 1
1 M. Perdonnet the elder (bom at Vevey 176S, died at Laasanne 1850) ^
well known in the Canton of Vaad for the patriotism he displayed in/^
Beyolution of 1798, for his liberality to the city of Lausanne, and forl^
longevity, as he died in his ninety-third year, whea Napoleon was at V< ^
a magnifioent collation had been prepared for him by the town, but he enl
the hoose of M. Perdonnet, asked for some bread and cheese, and depi
with his staff, leaving the manloipality to discuss their grand feast alone.
VAUD, BEBKE, AND SAVOY 215
There is no trace of a house at Monrepos on the map of
1722. The land was then divided into small parcels amoiig
various proprietors, and laid out in vineyards and fields. Mon-
repos began its existence with the Marquis de Gentil de Langa-
lerie, and became historical through Voltaire.
On the map of 1806 the old house in which Voltaire played
appears, but the entrance avenue at that time was where the
private gate now opens in the wall opposite Beau Site. In 1824,
the embellishments of M. Perdonnet ph'e were already completed
and the object of general admiration ; on the map of that year
the old avenue had given way to that which now leads to the
house, reconstructed in 1818.
The point where the first Napoleon examined the country
before advancing is to the left of the rear of Monrepos, and is
marked on the maps of 1806 and 1824. It was in the last
century the property of M. Constant d'Hermenches. The Queen
of Spain and her son, the late King, spent some time here.
M. Perdonnet, the elder, built a little tower here in com-
memoration of Napoleon's presence, and in competition with
M. Haldimand, who at the same time erected one on his
property at Ouchy, still a prominent object near the water's
edge. Each tried to produce a tower more venerable than the
other.
The properties of Beau Site and L'Avant-Poste, purchased
by M. Perdonnet p^e in 1818, figure on the map of 1806 as Les
Toises. Beau Site appears on that of 1824, with Les Toises and
Le Singe in the rear, and L'Avant-Poste is not mentioned.
Bofii^re also adjoins Beau Site.^
The latter, built by M. Perdonnet p^e^ was the residence of
King Jerome Bonaparte, and here his wife, the daughter of the
King of Wiirtemburg, died. The late Prince Jerome and his
sister, the gracious and accomplished Princess Mathilde, passed
several years at Beau Site, and M. Perdonnet the younger was
a playmate of the Prince. When they resided at Monrepos, the
late Emperor Napoleon frequently came to visit his fair cousin.
1 John Philip Eemble (1757-1828), the brother of Mrs. Siddons, lived and
died at Bean Site. His * Hamlet * in 1788 caused him from that time to be
considered the greatest tragedian of the age. I examined with interest his
cabinet de travail^ on the left in entering the antechamber. M. George de Seigneuz
cut an excellent silhouette of Kemble, in the author's possession.
216 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
In 1824 L'Avant-Poste was already an old building. Tra-
dition says that it was one of the first places in which the
Reformation was preached.
It will always be associated in my mind with those two
great works, the Simplon and the St. Gk>thard routes, and with
the historical breakfast given, October 12, 1879, by the distin-
guished ex-President of the Swiss Confederation, C!olonel Paul
C6r6sole, in honour of M. Gkimbetta, who escorted Mme.
C6r68oIe. Among the Parisian guests were General Goujean,
conseiller d'etat ; M. Floquet, d6pnt6 ; M. Cendr6, ing6nieur ;
M. Joseph Amaud de TAridge, private secretary of M. Gambetta.
The Swiss were represented by M. Charles Monnerat, President
of the Council of Administration of the Simplon Company, and
former Syndic at Vevey ; M. Ormond, former President of the
Council of Administration of the Railways of Western Switzer-
land ; M. Lommel, Directeur Technique of the Simplon Rail-
way ; M. Morel, former Attorney-General of the Confederation,
and now deputy ; M. Adrien Mercier, Director of the Simplon
Company ; M. Rambert, deputy, member of the Committee of
the St. Gothard Tunnel enterprise ; M. Maurice C6r68ole, son of
the President ; Colonel Edouard Secretan, the eminent military
authority, brother of Mme. C6r6sole, whose family name recalls
their distinguished ancestry and their connection with the
Deyverduns and many other ancient and illustrious fiunilies of
Vaud.
The table was laid under the leafy shade of the plantains,
and the ripple of a fountain was heard amid the lawn and
flowers. M. Gambetta was particularly en train. The scene,
the guests, the charming hostess, seemed to arouse his conver-
sational powers to a brilliant degree. Our host, a man of
striking appearance and great personal dignity, was called on
in 1873, when President of the Confederation, to direct the
negotiations with the Papal authorities concerning the organisa-
tion of the dioceses of Basle and Geneva. It was at this mo-
ment that he signed the decree expelling from Swiss territory
Monseigneur Mermillod, Bishop of Hebron in paHibus, after
that prelate had declared that he would not desist from exercis-
ing his functions as Apostolic Vicar for the Canton of Geneva,
an oflSce accepted against the express wish of the Federal
VAUD, BERNE. AND SAVOY 217
Council. This incident gave rise to an excitement which con-
tinned for years. It was, moreover, M. C^r^sole who sent Mod-
seigneur Agnozzi, Charg6 d' Affaires of the Holy See, his pass-
ports in consequence of the Encyclical of November 21, 1873.
During the presidency of M. C6r6sole, H.M. the Shah of
Persia was admirably received and entertained by him. Having
for two years presided over the Federal Department of Justice
and Police, and aided in the elaboration of the law for the re-
organisation of the Federal Judiciary, Colonel C4r6sole addressed
a letter to the Federal Assembly declining re-election. In 1876
he took up his residence at Lausanne, in order to assume the
direction of the Simplon Company, to which he has given much
of the time allowed by his military duties. The Federal Council
confided to him in 1878 command of the first division of the
army. He had been for eight years Colonel of Artillery on the
Staff, and now took his place in the Orand Council of the Canton
of Vaud as a member from Vevey.'
It is a long cry from the Treve de Dieu and the Council at
Monrion in 1036-1087 to Voltaire's purchase of Monrion, the
former country-seat of the de Crousaz and of the de Crinsoz de
Colombier. The name is derived from Mona rotondus^ applied to
a crSt^ or slight elevation planted with vines, between Lausanne
and the lake. The house bought by Voltaire is approached by
the road which descends from Lausanne to the port. He
commenced to live there December 16, 1755, remaining until
March 10, 1756, and again from January 9, 1757, to the follow-
ing April. Speaking of this abode and wishing to give an idea
of the climate, Voltaire said that in winter he was only incom-
moded by the flies.
After Voltaire, IVince Louis of Wtlrtemburg, called by
Bousseau ' the philosopher of Monrion,' resided there ; then the
Count de Golowkin, uncle of Count F6dor whose interesting
volume of letters is often quoted in this work ; and finally Dr.
Tissot, who acquired it in 1770, and at his death left it to
his nephew, M. d' Apples, from whom it was purchased by
Dr. Verdeil, author of the * Histoire du Canton de Vaud.' *
> Written in 1879.
' In the west wall of the house one notes a tombstone with the foUowing
inseripUon : * Aognstns d'AppIes Natas XIX Hartis M D CC LXXXV Di natus
XV Hartis M D CO XC An urn is sculptured here in relief : * GrAces, Talents,
218 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Voltaire's honse, Monrion, is a square building^of two storeys
and a high garret, with wings, each fashioned like the letter L.
One enters a hall supported by columns, on the left being the
staircase, in front the principal drawing-room. Beside the latter
is a small salon in which hangs a cabinet portrait of Dr. Tissot,
by ' Speisegger, 1797/ and the pastel of a young lady, by *De
la Houlyer, 1786.' On the right of the large salon is the
spacious dining-room, where at the marriage of Mile, de Blonay
(1869) thirty persons sat at table.
There are twenty-four rooms, and the view from those on
the second floor is superb. Towards the north Lausanne is
spread out on the heights ; towards the south the eyes touch the
ancient tower at Ouchy before crossing the lake and scanning
the mountains of Savoy.
M. du Mont, Cantonal Librarian, told me that the ruins of
a tower on the hillock above Monrion were visible as late as
1852.1
Voltaire writes to M. de Brenles from Monrion, Sunday,
March 6, 1757 : * It is said that your brother-in-law [de
Ghavannes], the priest, desires to see a play drawn from the
New Testament. We shall perhaps preach the Enfant Prodigm
VertuB, JoignSs Yos Larmes anx Larmes Etemelles. Les parents lee plus
Tendres, £t do pins tendre ami.' The four great trees on the la^m were
planted in 1785 by the grandfather of M. d'Apples, on his return from EngUnd.
The plantain also dates from the same period. The four elms formed a portion
of an avenue which once extended towards the honse as far as the little foan-
tain on the lawn. There is a small pavilion at the north end of the ancient
domain of Monrion (property of the Soci6t6 des Boulewds), which was built
by Dr. Tissot, and used as a laboratory. It is now inhabited by a wine-grower,
and is covered with ivy. On the north end is the following inscription : 'Ori
et Labora ; ' in the interior : ' Deus pro Nobis.' The wooden ceiling, which
was elaborately painted in red and black, no longer exists, with the exception
of a small portion in the lower storey. At Uie foot of the eminence called Le
Crdt de Monrion is a famous poplar-tree. My guide to the house and groands,
Francois Noverraz, now (1879) seventy-five years old, has been employed since
1864 at Monrion. His father, who died in his ninety-first year, was an employ^
of M. de Molin de Montagny, who lived at the Elys6e, near Monrion.
1 In the archives of the Town-hall at Lausanne I examined the Plan d»
Terrain a/piU En Montrumd, The general title of the volume is Nouowui
Plans 04om4triquea de LoMaanne et aa MeasHUerie^ made by Anthoine Michel
OigniUiat in 1722. The plan of the house, court, garden, kitchen-garden, and
outhouse are given, with the general title of * Poaaeaaion de M. Jean DaniU di
CrouMUf Contrdleur,* The main body of the house and the west wing th«i
existed. I remarked a note, * Fief d'Estavay.' Before the time of the de
Cronsaz proprietorship, Monrion belonged to the Fief des Dames Bdigieoses
d'Estavayer. In 1722 the Gr^t de Monrion was the property of M. Fran^i*
Louis Bergier ; at that time there was no trace of a house there.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 219
on Thursday, and for dessert have an (ypera huffa.^ And fonr
days later : ' My dear philosopher, — A priest is needed for the
profane orchestra ; we have another. M. d'Hermenches is as
resoorceful as zealous for our iripoU But God is avenged;
Baires is hoarse, Mme. Denis cannot speak. However, it is for
to-morrow ; recommend ns to the divine mercy.'
In passing, I cannot but remark that Voltaire in his
correspondence is constantly and most unnecessarily blas-
phemous. One may admire the brilliant genius of Voltaire,
and pass his time most agreeably in his company, but must be
frequently shocked by the utter irreverence displayed towards
divine things.
CHAPTER CXVIII
FiUDTSO Monrion too far from the city, Voltaire, in the spring
of 1757, occupied No. 6 rue du Grand Chfine, at Lausanne,
formerly the property of M. de Loys de Chandieu. The de la
Pottrie family resided there in the last century. At the time
of my visit (1879) the mansion belonged to Mme. Gottofrey,
and her son-in-law, M. Eugdne Gaulis, the eminent advocate,
and his family lived there in winter.
There are two shields over the door, which formerly held the
arms of the Nassau family, connections of the de Chandieus,
but they were erased during the Revolution. In the dining-
room is a porcelain stove bearing scenes from La Fontaine's
fables, and the arms of Gaulis.
The first letter of Voltaire from Grand GhSne is dated
Angnst 29, 1757, and addressed to d'Alembert : ^Here I am,
my dear and illustrious philosopher, at Lausanne, where I am
preparing a house in which the King of Prussia might lodge
when he comes to Neuchdtel — if he is coming to this beautiful
country, and is always a philosopher.' The best society of
Lansanne crowded his salons to witness the theatrical repre-
sentations.^ In his correspondence he mentions Mme. Constant
■ M. Charles Yoillermet, of Lansaniie, to whom I am indebted for the use
of seveml of the iUnstrations in this work, preserves in his ooUections the
remains of Uie acenery of Voltaire's theatre at Lausanne ; they contrast with
220 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
d'HermencIies, nSe de Seigneux, danghter-in-Iaw of General de
Constant de Bebecqne ; the Marquise de Gentil, nSe de Con-
stant, daughter-in-law of the Marqais de Langalerie; Mme.
Denis ; and Mme. d'Aubonne, nSe de Sanssnre de Beicber, as
the stars of his troupe ; and, as we have seen, the example
became contagious.
It frequently happened that Voltaire, who was a late riser,
appeared on the threshold of his front door in Grand Chene in
the theatrical costume of Lusignan or Pal^mon, hastily put on
to avoid a second toilette.
On one occasion, while watching the acting of M. and Mme.
d^Hermenches from the side-scenes, he was so carried away
that he advanced into the middle* of the stage and spoilt tlie
eSect. This incident is represented on the panels of Her-
menches, an elaborate account of which is in a privately
printed ' Notice Historique ' lent to me by Mme. la Baronoe
Bacon de Seigneux.^ The panels were transferred to the
Ch&teau of M625ery in 1808, where seventy years later I
examined them. The writer of the ' Notice Historique ' states
that these celebrated panels were imagined and executed by
Camp-Marshal the Baron Constant de Bebecque, Seignior of
Hermenches and Yillars-Mendraz, at whose residence (Her-
menches) there were always distinguished guests ; also that the
designs were by Mme. d'Aubonne, and painted by Dalberg,
who finished them in 1757.* One of the subjects, however, is
of a later date, for it refers to the expedition in which the
Camp-Marshal took part against Paoli in 1769. There is also
another scene in which M. de Corcelles figures, ' & la veille
d'^pouser I'aimable veuve.' Now, Mile. Saussure de Bercher did
not become Mme. d'Aubonne until 1759, M. de Corcelles being
her second husband.
There is an inexplicable absence in the correspondence of
the keys and iron-work of the ancient and historioal gateway of St. Mure, also
in the appreciative poaaeBsion of this admirable artist, who belongs to a family
of great intellectuahty. His elder brother, M. Constant Voillermet, of TfaonoD,
has very strikingly reproduced for me, by photography, many of the antiquities
of Savoy.
> NoHee Hiatoriqus 9ur la Pein^res de la Boiterie transporiies m IBOBdu
Chdteau d^Hermenehes au Chdteau de MiMery. (Lausanne, 1878.)
' M. I>esnoiresterre8 says that the theatrical scene in which M. and ICme-
d^Hermenches are prevented by Voltaire from acting is due to the brush of the
artist Jean Huber.
VAUD. BERNE, AXD SAVOY 221
the period of any mention of these panels, although they made
a sensation. The following are the sabjects of the paintings :
Les paysarmes grandes dames, a mystification practised by
Baron Constant d'Hermenches on his gnests, by introducing
into one of his fStes four peasant girls of great beauty, named
Jayet, dressed as ladies.
L*(delier du peintre Daiberg. He is engaged on a portrait of
Mme. la 66n6rale de Constant, nSe Bercher, about which Mme.
d'Aubonne is giving instructions ; while the painter's wife (of
whom her husband was jealous) poses for details of dress.
Sc^ne de Chasse, in which are represented M. de Saussure
de Boussens and M. de Saussure de Bercher.
Seine de Ghasse d ChevM et au Faucon, in which the ladies
ride astride their horses. The portraits depicted are those of
the Marquis de Gentil, Mme. d'Aubonne, M. Sinner de
Ballaigues, Mme. de Saussure de Bercher, Mme. la Marquise de
Gentil, and M. Huber, the silhouettist, carrying the falcon.
(Huber was so adroit that he could make his dog bite Voltaire's
profile out of a piece of cheese.)
Kys8, le chien, et les servantes du Chdteau, se baignant (The
dog Kyss followed his master everywhere, even to the wars.)
Portrait de Mile. Buchez, housekeeper of General de
Constant.
Scene tnttsicale au Chateau d^HermencTies, presided over by
Mme. d'Aubonne, 'who possessed all the talents.' M. de
Corcelles, Gualtieri, a famous Italian flutist; the Syndic
Turettini of Geneva, an amateur violinist; M. de Crousaz,
samamed Crousaz la basse ; and Pougnani, a violinist of merit,
with a long nose.
Promenade sentimentale de Mile, de Saussure de Bavois et de
M. JCOrges. (Mile, de Saussure became the wife of General de
Charri^re, and was the aunt or cousin of everybody at Lausanne.
With Mile. Bosalie de Constant she inhabited Petit-Bosemont,
which she named Petit-Bien.)
IdyUe champitre^ a sentimental episode of which the heroine
is said to have been the Marquise de Rouquerolle, ' for whom
M. de Chapelle sighed.'
Fite au viUage, where M. Doxat de Demoret and Mile, de
Roell dance a Beniese allemande.
222 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Portrait de Mile, da Stdguer^ executing a character dance.
Sc^ne pla/isante entre Mme. dPHermenchest comma Zaire ei
VoUaire sur le thMtre de Mon RepoSy above referred to. The
other actors are M. d'Hennenches and MUe. CrooBaz de
Corsier.
La Danse dea Fletira, representing the Baronne de Niewen-
heim, belonging to a noble Dutch family, the widow of M.
Pater. (She was married by the influence of Mme. du Bany
to the Marquis de Champcenet. The Gomte de St. Priest, the
celebrated French diplomatist (1735-1 82 1), when dining at the
chateau perceived this picture, and exclaimed : ' Pauline, c'est
bien tpi ! ')
8cdne diemharrquemerd d Amaterdam, representing M.
d'Orges eloping with the lady who became his wife. (They
came to Lausanne and were married, and mutual friends
arranged the matter to the satisfaction of both families.)
Halte MUitaire en Corse, representing an episode in the
military career of Camp-Marshal de Constant d'Hermenches in
the expedition against Paoli (1 769). (He was awarded the cross
of the Legion of Honour and a pension of 6,000 francs for his
distinguished services in this war. The other persons depicted
are MM. d'Aubonne, the two brothers de M6rode, de Ghapelle,
and Brigadier de Loys de Middes, who possessed Vidy. The
dog Kyss is also represented.)
Sujet un pen libre tirS du roman de la Belle Magtielonne^
recalling some incident in the life of the Prince de Ligne, M. de
Constant's great friend.
Scdne de Families comprising the Seignior of Her-
menches, and one of his daughters (by his first wife), who
afterwards became Mme. d'Arlens ; Mme. de Saussture ; M. de
Constant of Geneva; M. d'Affray; M. de Sinner; Mme. de
Bettens ; M. de Seigneux de Correvon ; and Mile. Sophie
Dufay (who married Dr. Verdeil).
Le Colonel Juate de Constant d la pSche^ fishing alone in a
dressing-gown. (He was the father of Benjamin Constant.)
The illustrations accompanying the rare work firom which
these descriptions are taken ( * Notice Historique ' ) are by the
Baron Victor de Constant de Rebecque, younger brother of the
writer of that book.
VAUB, BERNE, AND SAVOY 223
Voltaire's friend, Jean Huber, 1722-1786, already mentioned,
was a man of many accomplishments, whose family was noted
for its intellectoal gifts. I have already alluded to his aunt,
Marie Hnber, the religions authoress. Huber entered in 1738
the service of the Elector of Hesse-Cassel. His talent for
painting was developed by the lessons of the Belgian artist,
Chevalier Fassin, whom he afterwards met at Femey. His
passion for fowling was almost as great as his artistic leanings,
and recommended him highly to the Elector Frederick, who had
the same tastes. On the death of the Elector, young Huber,
who had become port-ensign, entered the service of the King of
Sardinia, where his artistic powers were much appreciated, and
eventually carried him to Turin. As he had honourably served
in Germany, he now distinguished himself as a soldier in
Piedmont, where he was attached to the Count of Genevois.
Returning to Geneva, he married the niece of Jacques A116on,
colonel in the Hessian service, and became a member of the
Council of the Two Hundred. After residing at Plainpalais
and Yemass, in Savoy, Huber bought in 1776 the beautiful
country seat of Cologny, erected by the architect Blondel in
1720 for M. Tronchin, father of the celebrated physician.
Among Huber's printed works must be mentioned ' Observa-
tions snr le Vol des Oiseaux de Proie,' and an article in the
'Gazette de France' (1788) on the Balloons of Montgolfier.
Two of his paintings were presented by his family to the Mus6e
Rath at Geneva.
Huber won his greatest celebrity, however, as a silhouettist
of hunting and warlike scenes — works of art of which he alone
had the secret. Some of these exist in diiferent collections in
England, but the finest of those he offered to the Empress of
Russia were destroyed by fire.
The Hubers were connected with the Neckers and the
Gallatins.^
' This information I derived from Jean Haber's griindson, the late Colonel
Hnber-Saladin (also a celebrated man), whom I knew at the age of eighty-two,
bat stiU poBsessing the activity of a young man. He was tall, strongly bailt,
and had large intellectaal features. His mother was of the princely Italian
family of Lndovid. I saw in his salon a hunting scene by his grandfather,
and ihe latter's portrait by the Chevalier Fassin. Huber's silhouettes were
mostly sent by him to Grimm, then with the Empress Catherine, but they
were all burnt in one of the imperial palaces ; although in an unpublished
224 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
In farther illustration of the intimate relations existing
between the de Constants and Voltaire, and the peculiar situa-
tion of Swiss officers in France, the following sprightly (nnpab-
lished) letters are of value.
M. Constant d'Hermenches, youngest son of lieatenaat-
General Constant de Rebecque and brother of the Marquise de
Gentil de Langalerie, writes to the poet from Paris, May 2, 1764:
' My Dear Benebctor, — Upon my arrival here I sent the
letter which yon had the goodness to give me for Mme. la
Duchesse de Gramont.' At the same time I wrote one to her
in which I told her of my regrets that circumstances prevented
my calling upon her in person, and that fearing to compromise
myself with my masters I was compelled to keep myself in
retirement until my &te was decided. She replied to me to-
day the most graciously in the world, confirming all the good-
will of her father. Accept my sincere thanks for it, Sir, for it
is to you that I shall owe everything that this lady has the
kindness to do for me. Having no other merit or recommenda-
tion with her except what your kindness will provide, I take
the liberty to ask you to write to her again if, as I do not
doubt, she replies to your letter ; and be kind enough to enter
into a few details as to your opinion of my humble talents, and
what is known to you of the consideration which I and my
family enjoy in Switzerland. This second letter becomes
necessary to me, because on one side my friends have no
opportunity to speak of me to this lady, and on the other it is
to be feared that the Swiss whom she sees are unfavourable to
me. That is the opinion which has been given to me. I am
so accustomed to look upon you as our father, our protector,
that I employ without discretion the rights which this title
gives me over you.
letter of Huber to his ooasin, Mme. Neoker, in 1780 (in the ftrchivea of Coppei).
loaned to Colonel Haber-Saladin by M. d*HaaB8onville, he says that he hit
allowed Fassin to take his piotares and silhoaettes to an engraTer at Paris. In
another letter to her, speaking of Catherine of Bassia, he thinks that she will
be at Constantinople before long. He adds : * A flea is safe in the mane of a
lion, while he has not a moment's peace on the shoulder of a dog. I wrote
this to Orimm, who reoonnted it to Catherine.' In these letters he ridicoles
Voltaire. Colonel Haber-Saladin was writing (1880) the Memoirs of the Comi
de Circotirt from his letters, including his correspondence with Bonstetten.
* N^ Beatrix de Cboiseul -Stain ville, married to the seventh Duke d«
Gramont in 1759 ; guillotined in 1794.
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 225
* I have had propositions made to me which did not suit me,
and I am hoping for something better. M. le Due de Choisenl
wrote to my friend : *^IfM. Constant will give Mmsdf the trouble
to MU a Svnss eolanel^ I wQl certainly give him a regiment ifmme-
diately/* And Mme. de Gramont writes that he is as willing to
provide an agreeable and easy post for me as I am to receive it.
These matters are promising, bnt we have need of the deepest
secrecy, for all the nation is on the watch. It is thought
desirable to create a post of major-general of the Swiss, but
there are innumerable difficulties. The King is supposed to
have said, *' AU thefavowre are for the Swiss" I hope that on
the next journey to Marly my fate will be decided, and I shall
not fail to inform you of everything that is connected with it.
In the meantime I am a prisoner here in the house of my
inspector, and as ignorant of what is going on in Paris as if I
were at Hermenches. The inspector inhabits the pretty house
of the late Bishop of Rennes — a residence really worthy of a
voluptuary. We chat, we make plans, we read some of your
works, and to amuse ourselves we compose songs. I have told
my inspector that I wish you knew what an indecent fellow he
is. Here are some of the couplets of his composition ; he will
be farions with me for sending them to you, and as for me I
know that they will make you laugh.
* I have hopes, so far as my father is concerned, but we must
wait onto the regiments are formed.
'I trnst that you will pardon me if I date letters that I
wrote in Switzerland and Holland from your house ; it is always
there that my heart will be, and it is the easiest thing to per-
suade myself that I am there also in person.
* Accept all the good wishes that I form for your welfare
and yonr health, and the assurance of the respectful attachment
of yonr very humble servant, * C. d'H.
' My address is. To the care of M. le Baron de Besenwald,
inspector of the Swiss troops, rue de Grenelle, Faubourg St.
Germain, Paris.' *
M. Constant d'Hermenches to Voltaire from Landrecies,
February 28, 1766:
* Auiosrapli letter in the aathor's unpabliBhed ooUeotionB. The couplets
have disappeared.
VOL. n. Q
226 msTOBic studies in
* Sir, — If yon could doubt that there is a single moment of
my life in which I do not formulate wishes for your wel&re, I
would have sent you a congratulatory letter at the New Year,
as being the person in the world for whom I have the warmest
and the most respectful attachment. Tou do not believe me
stupid enough not to appreciate the foil which your friendship
gives to my character, nor ungrateful enough to forget your
kindness. My long silence must therefore be ascribed as a
sacrifice to the fear of being importunate. Your letters are
something so precious, that while prostrating myself before
those which I receive I forbid myself to fatigue yon with mine
in order to deserve another from you from time to time— like
those beggars to whom one gives alms when they do nol
demand them. I know that you live happily, that iu spite of
your anxieties you lose nothing of your ardour. I read with
eagerness your ode on the Death of the Dauphin,^ jooi
verses to la Clairon,* your letters to the Abb6 de Voisenon,'
to the Marquis de Yillette/ to the Chevalier de Bonfflers. I
see that in your retirement you put to shame those who are the
most active and who enjoy the best health ; and that, in a
word, you do not cease to prove yourself a unique and prodigi-
ous genius, created to be a delight and a light to the hnman
race. I thank Heaven for it! I congratulate myself npcn
having completed a year which has appeared so long to me on
account of the distance at which I live from you, and upon
having commenced this year, during which I count upon going
to present my homage to you. My most agreeable plana have
always Pemey for their object. A few hours of your society
will soon make me forget the sad and painful days which I
pass separated from all those dearest to me. For the last tea
years you have been my strongest passion ; for the last t^s
years your friendship and your wit have been the happiness of
1 Peeember 20, 1766.
* Claire Josdphe Leiris de la Tude, known as Mile. Glairon, born 17^*
made her first appearance at the Th^itre Fran^ais, September 19, 1743, u^
retired April 1766 ; died January 18, 1808. Voltaire carried on an exteosiTC
correspondence with her.
* Claude Henri Fus^, AhM de Voisenon, 1708-1776.
* Charles, Marquis de ViUette, supposed to be a son of Voltaire, 173C-lT9rv
He married at Femey, in 1777, Mile, de Varicourt. Voltaire died at his hoa^
in Paris.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 227
a life upon which, with this exception, I set little value. You
cannot believe, Sir, how much I have aged, and how little I am
concerned about it ; and, in truth, there can be very few men
who love life, if to be happy in loving one must have a definite
object in view. You have reasons for thinking otherwise. Sir ;
each of your moments is devoted to immortality, but I — what
can be the aim of my existence ? If it is pleasure there is too
little of it. If life is a passage, I find it very obscure. My
battle-horse is the chapter of my duties. I persuade myself
that I have some to fulfil, and I acquit myself of them with all
my strength.
'I am no longer at Lille. M. le Duo de Choiseul, who
does all the good he can to the nation, wished to favour us
through our ruling passion — ^money. It was too dear in a
large and handsome town. Here we are at Landrecies and
Avesnes. A Swiss ofScer can dine and sup here very well for a
Ionia per month. I am in garrison in this town, which Prince
Engine and the Dutch formerly wished to capture in order to
march to Paris. I will follow their example this winter — I
shall not go there. I wish to complete my year of probation,
not that I have any ambition — it is too late in life for that —
but to try every role. If ever you compose a play in which
there is a major I beg you to give the character to no one but
me ; I promise that you will be satisfied.
* Yes, Sir, Mme. d'Hermenches was greatly enchanted with
what she saw at your house during the stay of our Clairon, and
she was much impressed by the continued flattering reception
which yon and Mme. Denis deigned to give her. I am im-
patient to be with you in order to fix my opinion on the sub-
limeness of la Clairon ; up to the present she has astonished
and impressed me much more than she has afiected me ; she is
admirable, and has never made me weep. I would like you to
hear la Dumesnil ^ on the occasions when she does not descend
to ridicule.
* M. de Schouwalof will have been very happy if you had
Egisthe ' played for him ; he has for a long time past recited
> Marie Fran^olse Dumesnil, celebrated actress, lYlS-lBOS. She made her
first appearance in 1737, and left the stage in 1775. Voltaire called her ' la
bonne Dumesnil.'
- One of the dramatis personee in Voltaire's tragedy of Oreste,
Q 2
828 JHISTORIC STUDIES IK
parts of it very WelL He is much taken with yoa. He has
taste, accomplishments, and many things which do honoar, as
yoa say, to the laws of his country, since they have changed
its customs and belied the climate. I know M. de Woron-
sow ; ' he writes to me occasionally from the Hague. He ia
aoiable, and has, I believe, much solidity of character and
judgment.
* But, Sir, have yon np to the present found among the
Russians who have surprised us that character and that genius
which bears promise of making (hem some day equal to other
nations ? You are the only person who can enlighten me on
this point, and I ask your indulgence for my question. They
like what is made outside of their own home, and they imitate
it. But will they ever have a proper taste of their own, a
national good taste ? Those whom we see groan because they
are Russians; the idea of returning to their country makes
them shudder. This sentiment is monstrous; other men,
savages even, love their native country ; if the laws have made
Russia a country of philosophers, why do not these philoso-
phers love their country? Is it not that those whom we
admire and who are franchised are nothing more than exotic
plants in these climates ?
* With regard to that country, do you know, Sir, that yon
have a daughter of Peter the Great in your house of the me da
Chene? Mme. d'Haqueville makes this claim, and it was
under this title that she went to St. Petersburg to make her-
self known to her sister Elizabeth, who made no opposition.
She would be there still, sustaining a distinguished position, if
she had not taken part in the intrigues of the Marquis de la
Chetardie.' The truth is that the Emperor of All the Russias
found Mme. de Mommort to his taste during his last journey to
France ; that she was confined nine months later, and that the
child resembles a Czar more than a Parisian. I was given this
anecdote as being perfectly accurate, as well as the unworthy
> Bossian liinister at the Hagne in 1769.
• Marqais de la Chetardie, 1705-1769, a diBtingniBhed diplomatist and
Boldier, Frenoh Ambassador at St. Petersburg, aided in the revolntion bj
whioh Elizabeth became Empress, and was for several years her intimate
friend ; disgraced in 1744, returned to Franoe, and was exiled by Loais XIV. ;
was lieut.-general in the army of Italy, and in 1749 Ambassador to Sardinia.
Died at Hanaa.
VAUD. BEENE, AND SAVOY 229
action of a certain anthor, the Chevalier de la Morlidre/
daring this journey from Russia, who compelled the daughter
of Mme. d'Haqneville to retire to a convent.
' Accept, Sir, with your usual kindness, my very humble
homage, and deign to honour with your remembrance the most
grateful and the most zealous of your servants.
* I offer my warmest respects to your niece (Mme. Denis).' '
Constant d'Hermenches writes again to Voltaire from Bois
de Vaud, December 15, 1771 :
* My dear Benefactor, — ^I am quite persuaded that if you
could give me a regiment you would do so, and I would venture
to ask you for it ; but when I went to pay my court to you,
and to relate my misfortunes, I did not dare to ask you if you
could help me. I consider it an abominable indiscretion to ask
continually for recommendations to persons to whom I ought
to be more recommendable, by my devotion to their service,
than to you who owe me nothing and to whom I owe every-
thing. But necessity and the fatality of my star are my law
to-day. My friends wish me to write to M. le Duo d'Aiguillon.^
I am told that he will save me ; I do not know him, he has
never heard of me, and I am supposed to be at Huningen.
* Here is my letter. Will you permit friend Yagni^re
[Voltaire's secretary] to read it to you, and will you dictate
from your bed a few lines in which you will say to M. le Due
d'Aignillon that a poor devil who has not been able to approach
him has had the insolence to beg you to place his letter in your
packet, and that in spite of this insolence you do not detest
him, but that you pity him ?
* The least of my evils is a severe feverish cold, which this
badly constructed statement of my case has not diminished. I
place myself at your feet with that fervid and tender venera-
tionand gratitnde which you are entitled in so many ways to
receive from me.' ^
> Cberalier de la Morlidre, 1719^1785, a brilliant writer and a notoriona
adYentorer.
' Antograph letter in the author's nnpaUished oollections.
• Duke d'Aignillon, 1720-1782, consin of the Dnke de Biohelien, governor
of Brittany, became Minister of War in 1771 after the fall of the Duke de
ChoiaenL Disgraced by Lonis XVI. on his accession.
* Antograph letter in the author's anpablished ooUections.
280 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
A foarth letter of d'HennenclieB to Voltaire is dated from
the Hague, May 27, 1772 :
^I cannot resist, my dear Benefisbctor, the temptation of
offering you my homage from this Batavian country, where I
have come to see my son. I find here an anecdote which
deserves not to be forgotten in ecclesiastical chronicles, and a
trait of wisdom on the part of the magistrates of Amsterdam
which shoald not be ignored. You will have heard that a fire
has reduced the theatre of this town to ashes, and that a large
number of persons have perished. Here is the text which was
chosen the very day of the fire by a Dutch minister, and from
which he preached his sermon on the morrow, knowing that
the magistrates had already decided to forbid preaching on the
occasion of this catastrophe :
' Amos, chapter vi. verses 9 and 10.'^ And it shall come to pass,
if there remain ten men in one house, that they shall die. And
when a man's uncle shall take him up, and he that bumeth him,
to bring out the bones out of the house, and shall say unto him
that is by the sides of the house, Is there yet any witli thee?
and he shall say, No : Then shall he say, Hold thy tongue : for
we may not make mention of the name of the Lord."
^ It is, however, right to tell you that I have this from a
member of the clergy who is my friend, who considers it an
excess of zeal on the part of his colleague ; and that this same
man made an excellent sermon while I was at the Hague,
preaching the simplest and the most edifying morals, which
would have satisfied you.
*It is said — merely a rumour — that during the fire a Dutch
minister ran about the streets crying to those who were hasten-
ing to give assistance : Laet si majer hrwnden^ hst sijfid deufeh
kiTideTen,
^ An excess of fanaticism counterbalanced by an excess
of libertinage is what I have found greatly increased in this
country. I do not know if misery is the cause, but the streets
are swarming with very young and very pretty girls, who offer
their charms to passers-by. I confess that, without snccnmb-
ing, these complexions so fresh and so natural have much im-
proved my eyesight, fatigued by the rouge and the excessive
art of our Frenchwomen, among whom the corps des filUi has
VAUD, BEBNE. AND SAVOY 281
played so considerable and so reyolting a part for some time
past.
* I beg yotty Sir, not to quote from any portion of my letter
aboat this misery which I relate to yon, and never to allow my
good priest to know that I sent you the text of his colleague's
sermon.
* I return to my regiment throagh Paris, where I shall call
upon M. le Comte de Rochefort/ to know if he has anything to
send to you. I shall also see M. d'Argental,* and if I find the
means I shall make a detour of thirty leagues in order to spend
a few hours at Femey, on June 11 or 12. I must be at Hunin-
gen on the night of the 15th.
* Continue your kindness to me, and accept my very humble
and tender homage.' '
Lam6ry, * comedian to the King/ writes from Lyons to
Voltaire, after 1765:
'I have just met with a singular incident with that scribbler
{fHurbonilleur de papier) Fr6ron.^ Here are the facts :
' About a year ago I was at supper in a certain house where
we were playing at vingireirun^ a game much in vogue here,
and one of tibe company said to me, ^' Lam6ry, you ought to
compose a little comedy on ViTigtneir^n. It would draw the
whole town.'' This idea ran in my head the remainder of the
evening, and on returning home I began to write, and did not
give up until my Vingi-eirun was finished. The next day I
took my kind of comedy to the Censor ; I ask permission to
have it played, which is granted. The piece is rehearsed and
posted ; on the day before the representation I am forbidden to
bring it out, under the pretext that I had introduced several
* Count de Boehefort, wm of the Coontess de Saint-Point. He first came
to Femey in 1766, and waa in constant communication with Voltaire from that
time.
' Charles AngoBtin de Ferriol, Count d*Argental, 1700-17S8, a schoolmate
and life-long friend of Voltaire, who usually addressed him as * Mon Ange.*
' Autograph letter in the author's unpublished collections.
* Elie-Catherine Fr6ron, 1719-1776, a famous critic and opponent of the
phUosophical party ; founded the Annie LUUraire. Voltaire vented his ex-
asperation against Friron by a series of epigrams, of which the following is
one of the brat known :
* L'autre jour, au fond d*un vaUon,
Un serpent piqua Jean Fr6ron.
Que pensea-vous qu*il arriva?
Ce fut le serpent qui creva.'
232 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
persons of the town into the piece ; it was not, however, my
intention to do so, and I had not even thought of it.
'Disappointed at not being able to give my Fin9i-€Mm,
which, poor as it is, would have drawn a Teiy good house, I
decided to hare it printed. I sold many copies, and apparently
one fell into the hands of Fr6ron, and this animal, instead of
striving to nse his efforto so that he may be able to give an
acconnt of some good book, straightway fills foar pages of his
wretched paper [I/ATmSe LittSraire] to cry down a trifle which
was only composed as a bit of pleasantry on society. This is how
he ends his criticism : ^' All the advice I can give to the author
is to write no more comedies and to confine himself to acting."
' This is my reply : '* You must have a great delal of time at
your disposal, M. Fr6ron, to amuse yourself with analysing a
trashy piece which was not worth the honour of being cited.
What ! For such a wretched thing you fill four pages of your
delicious paper? Ah, M. Fr6ron, you scarcely know the value
and the usefulness of your time ; you are too prodigal. And
why? For nothing. I do not write with the intention of
excusing myself for the poorness of my piece, but I am quite
sure that I vras not so long in composing it as you were in
making your criticism. Moreover, Sir, I thank you fi>r your
advice. I shall profit by it ; I shall make no more comedies; I
shall confine myself to acting. There are days when I perform
in it with pleasure. Adieu, M. Fr6ron, until our next meeting.
I am going to dress for the part of Lord Murray in L'Ecos-
saise." ^
' I have sent my letter to the Mereure,^ but I do not know if
they will accept it.
* Pardon, pardon, a thousand pardons. Sir, for having taken
the liberty of importuning you on such a subject.
' Permit me, I pray you, to profit by this circumstance to
thank you for the kindness you had for me during the little time
that I had the honour to remain in your house, at the moment
of Mile. Clairon's visit.* What delidous moment-s! Ah, Sir,
I can only recall them with emotion. How can I prove to yon
* In this play of Voltaire, Fr^n is represented as a venal, impudent, ao^
degraded pamphleteer.
' Mercure de France, founded in 1672.
* In the summer of 1766.
YAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 283
my gratitude? I know not. There are moments when no
expression can render the sensibility with which the sonl is
affected. This is my position ; I can offer you only a respectfnl
silence ; accept it, I beseech yon, as an assured proof of the
admiration to which yon have given rise, and of the sentiments
which yon have inspired in me. I have the honour to be, with
every possible consideration, Sir, your very humble and very
obedient servant,
< Lam£ry, Comedian of the King
at Lyons.
* P.S. — But, Sir, can you imagine this Fr6ron ? On the first
and single occasion that I do a little scribbling, he wages a
terrible war against me — against me who have never said any-
thing to him — ^to him who has never done anything else all Ida
life but scribble.' *
CHAPTER CXIX
Voltaire, in answer to the Duke de Choiseul, wrote the sub-
joined letter from Les D6lices, dated July 13, 1757, in which
he graphically sketched the European situation, and, with that
insinuating appearance of modesty which bore a strong re-
semblance to Franklin's methods, offered the counsels which the
Minister had earnestly solicited. This letter, now first pub-
lished, is of great interest in view of the events that followed in
the last century and in this.'
' AntoRraph letter in the author's onpubliBhed oolleotions.
* The Duke de Choiaenl (Etiezme-Fran^oiB, 1719-1785), to whom it is
addressed, was one of the most snccessfnl diplomatists and statesmen of the last
eentnry. He was witty, elegant, presnmptnons, a man d Ixnmes fortunes, but
with all this possessed serions qnaUties of a high order, which his lighter charac-
teristics strengthened by giving him the fayonr of Mme. de Pompadour. His
sQceessfnl missions to Bome and Vienna placed at his disposal, on the death of
Cardinal de Bemis, the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, and immediately after of
the Ministry of War. Through the inflnence of the favourite, he soon became
Prime Minister in fact, though not in name, directing all affairs of government,
and disposing of all offices. He accomplished useful reforms, and left brilliant
souTeoira of his administration ; he reorganised the army, brought the navy
and the colonies to a higher level, repaired the disaster of preceding wars,
re-established French influence in Europe, united the sovereigns of the house
of Bourbon in a common pact, and reunited Corsica to France, in spite of the
231 EISTOEIG STUDIES IN
< Monseigneur, —
' Tou know that upon leaving the Grand Council, held on
account of the will of the King of Spain, Louis XIV. met foar
of his daughters who were playing, and said to them : *' Well,
what would you do if you were in my place ? " These yoong
girls gave their advice at random, and the King replied to
them : '^ Whatever advice I follow I shall have censors/'
^You deign to treat an ignorant old man in the same
manner as Louis XIV. treated his children. You wish me to
gossip, gossip, and compile, compile. Your kindness and my
manner of living, which is without consequence, give me there-
fore the right that Gros Jean took with his cur6.^
' In the first place, I firmly believe that all men have been,
are, and will be led by events. I respect greatly Cardinal de
Richelieu, but he did not engage himself with GWaims Add--
phus until Qustaims had landed in Pomerania without consult'-
ing him ; he profited by the circumstance. Cardinal Mazarin
profited by the death of the Duke de Weimar ; he obtained
Alsace for France and the Duchy of Bethel for himself.'
Whatever may be said, Louis XIV. did not in the least expect,
in making the peace of Riswick, that his grandson would havO)
three years later, the succession of Charles Quint. He even
less expected that the first war of his grandson wonid be
against his uncle. Nothing of what you have seen has been
secret opposition of England, whom he farther defeated in her pretenaoos
over the Spanish possessions. He pierced the ambitious projects of BotfU
towards Poland, pnshed Turkey into a declaration of war against Oathenn^i
and would have aided the Sultan had it not been for the formal oppodtion ot
the king. He reduced the subsidies accorded to foreign princes, at .the same
time inducing them to continue in alliance with France. At the time of his
deatii he had been in retirement many years, but was still the respected fiieD^
of Marie Antoinette. He bore the title of Count de Choiseul-Stainville when
Ambassador to Vienna and until 1758, when he was created a duke. He mnst
not be confused with his cousin Cesar Gabriel de Choiseul, who did not enter
the diplomatic service until 1768, when he succeeded his cousin the Duke 3e
Choiseul as Ambassador at Vienna, and was styled Count de Choiseul onto
1762, when he was made Duke de Praslin ; he was at one time Blinister of
Foreign Affairs, and in 1766 of Marine, but fell from power in 1770, at the
same time as his cousin the duke.
* The French proverb *C'est Gros Jean qui en remontie i son oui^'is
the equivalent of the Latin * Piscem natare docet'
* This declaration on the part of Voltaire is important in connection with
the correspondence in the Paris Figaro of April and May, 1896, oonoemiog the
statement of the eminent M. Berthelot, late Minister of Foreign Affairs, who
thinks that Bichelieu and not Mazarin gained Alsace for Ftanoe.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 285
foreseen. You know that diance brought about the peace with
England signed by that handsome Lord Bolingbroke sur les
belles fessea de madame Ftdtney. You will therefore do as all
l^e great men of your kind have done who have profited by the
circamstances in which they found themselves.
'You have bad Prussia for an ally, you have it for an
enemy. Austria has changed its system, and you also. Russia
bad no weight twenty years ago in the balance of Europe, and
it now has a very considerable one. Sweden has played a great
r6le, and plays a very small one. Everything has changed, and
will change. But as you have said, France will always remain
a fine kingdom and formidable to its neighbours, unless the
classes of the parliaments interfere.
^ You know that allies are like the friends who were called
in my time a quadrille^ one changed his partner at every
caup.
* It seems to me, moreover, that the friendship of Messieurs
de Brandebourg has always been fatal to France. They
abandoned you at the siege of Metz made by Charles Quint ;
they took much money of Louis XIY. and declared war against
him ; they detached themselves twice from you during the war
of 1741. And surely you will not place them in a position to
betray you a third time. This power was at that moment only
an accidental power, founded on the most extreme economy
and on a financial system peculiar to Prussia. The money
that was hoarded up has disappeared. The Prussians, for a
long time victors, are beaten by their system. I do not think
that there remain forty families at present in the kingdom of
Prusda. Pomerania is deserted [or devastated], Brandebourg
miserable, no one eats white bread there; only discredited
money is to be seen, and very little even of that. The estates
of Cleves are sequestered ; the Austrians are victors in Silesia.
It would be less difficult at present to uphold the King of
Prussia than to crush him. The English are ruining themselves
by afibrding him indirect help in the direction of Hesse, and
you render this help useless. Such is the state of things.
' Now, if one wished to lay a wager, according to the rule
of probabilities the odds must be three to one that the Prussian
power will be destroyed.
286 HISTORIC STUDIES IK
' But a desperate blow can re-establish its affairs and rain
jours. If yon prosper you will have a fine congress, in which
yon are always the guarantee of the Treaty of Westphalia, and
I persist in thinking that all the Princes of Germany will say,
'* Brandebourg has fallen because it quarreUed with France ; it
is to our advantage always to have France for a protector.''
Certainly, after the fall of the most powerful Prince of the
Empire, the Queen of Hungaiy will not come to ask you to
return either Strasbourg, or Lille, or Lorraine. She will wait
at least ten years, and then you will set the Turk and the Swede
upon her with the help of money, if you have any.
'The main point is to have much money. Henry IV.
prepared himself to become the arbiter of Europe by having a
golden balance made by the Duke de Sulli. The English only
succeed with guineas, and a credit which increases their value
tenfold. The King of Prussia only made Germany tremble for
some time becanse his father had more money-bags than bottles
in his cellars at Berlin. We no longer belong to the period of
Fabricius ; it is the richest who gets the mastery, just as among
us it is the richest who buys a post of maUre dee requM^y and
who in consequence governs the state. It is not noble, but it is
true.
^The Russians embarrass me; but Austria will not have
sufficient to hire them two years against yon.
' Spain embarrasses me, for it has little to gain by ridding
you of the English ; but at least it is certain that it will always
have more hatred for England than for you.
' England embarrasses me, for it will alwajrs wish to drive
yon out of Northern America ; and in spite of all your privateen,
your privateers will always be captured in four or five years, as
has been seen in every war.
' Ah, Monseigneur, Monseigneur ! one must live from day
to day when neighbours are to be taken into account. A plan
may be followed at home, although plans scarcely ever are
followed; but when one plays against others, one discards
according to one's hand. A system, Qrand Dieu ! That of
Descartes is fallen, the Roman Empire no longer exists ; that of
[Le Franc de] Pompignan even loses its credit ; everything is
being destroyed, everything passes. I am greatly afraid that in
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 287
important affiurs it is as in physical ocienoe, one makes experi-
ments withoat having a system.
* I admire those who say, the Honse of Austria will become
very powerfnl, France cannot exist. Ah, Messieurs ! An arch-
duke has taken Amiens from you ;* Charles Quint has been at
Compidgne ; Henry Y. of England has been crowned at Paris.
Come, come, we have retrieved great losses, and you need not
fear the overthrow of France, whatever stupidity may be
practised. What ! No system ! I only know one, to be well
settled at home, then everybody respects you.
^Negotiations depend on war and finance. With money
and victories one can do everything one wishes.' ^
The reader's interest in the preceding letter of Voltaire will
be enhanced by perusal of one from the great Leonhard Euler,
which I was fortunate enough to find at La Orotte. The
mathematician was born at Basle (1707), son of a pastor there,
and it was to Mile. Euler, his sister, that this letter was written
from Berlin, Augast 30, 1758. Euler now occupied in the
friendship of Frederick the Great the place which Voltaire had
lost, and the contrast in their surveys of Europe is as notable as
that between their attitudes towards contemporary forms of
religion — Euler being an earnest Christian, and Voltaire a
disbeliever in the divinity of Our Saviour. The letter, written
it will be remembered early in the Seven Years' War, is as
follows :
* By the preceding post I already informed you of the first
subject of the inexpressible joy which the Almighty has given
us. I will add to-day, my dear sister, something to make you
feel the importance of this victory.
^It is impossible to describe the cruelties which these
Russians have already committed, nor those with which they
have menaced us ; but God of his grace has delivered us from a
danger so terrible that it is hardly possible to imagine it. Our
sworn enemies had resolved to advance as far as Berlin in order
to make known there that our very dear King was placed under
the ban of the empire, believing that the power of the Bussians,
whom they thought invincible, would deal us the last blow ; but
' From the nnptibliBhed coUectiona of the author. (MS., a contemporary
238 mSTOfilC STUDIES IN
now this power is so broken that one is manifestly compelled to
acknowledge the power of God, not only with regard to oar
preservation bat also to the punishment of the BossiansJ
' Besides what is contained in the Oazette^ I will inform yoo
farther that our troops, meeting at the commencement with
great resistance, gave way and lost courage. His Majesty took
a standard in his hand and thus advanced against the enemy,
which re-animated our army with as much courage as on the
first day (the 25th of this month). Eighteen thousand of the
enemy had already been driven back, after which our gracions
King rested under a pear-tree. Yesterday was the fourth day
that the barbarians were pursued ; they have been starved all
this time. General Former must have been dangerously
wounded the day before yesterday. He has offered to the King
to deliver to him 6,000 prisoners, if he may retreat with the
remainder. But this has been refused, becaase this army must
be destroyed and these regular troops made prisoners of war;
but these Cossacks or Elalmucks must be killed. It is impossible
for them to retire, seeing that on one side they have to cross
the river Warta, lined with several thousand peasants armed
with scythes to kill those who attempt the passage. On the
other side there is our army and the fortress of Custrin from
whence the cannon will continually fire on them. They have
already lost all their cannon and powder, together with their
baggage, and must soon perish miserably if they do not
surrender at discretion. It would be impossible to refuse them
some compassion if the infamies and cruelties they have com-
mitted had not rendered them unworthy of it, and if they
had not by this means made themselves the horror of the
human race.
' We must recognise here the anger of Grod and his
judgments, of which our dear Monarch is the instrument. Now
we confide ourselves to the continuation of the divine protectioQ,
and we must be assured that this Almighty God will soon
annihilate these abominable enterprises of our enemies, and that
He will grant us the peace we desire so ardently. It is evident
that Providence has chosen our King to be a very remarkable
instrument, and that we are approaching great events. There
* Battle of Zorndorff, August 25 and 26, 1758.
VAUD. BERNE, AND SAVOY 239
is here a manaffusturer of stamin' who boasts of having divine
revelations, and has thrown the city into astonishment. He
predicted this battle a long time ago ; and several days before,
when everyone was overcome with fear and prepared for flight,
I saw him near the Margrave Henry, where he annoonced
that there would be a battle on Friday, the 25th, which would
last five days, which would be more important than the
preceding ones, and for which a fete for the return of thanks
would be celebrated at Berlin on the 3rd of September. He
must also have predicted several of the preceding battles, with
all the details.
* Here is what he has prophesied for the future :
* That the King will give battle twice this year, one to the
Aostrians which will be as honourable as this last, and the other
which will be of less importance with the Imperial army. That
in this same year five Princes of the Empire will abandon the
Anstrians, and that the Turks will attack the Russians. The
next year the King will again give battle to the Austrians,
which will be the fourth and the last, and that peace will follow
in Germany, but beyond its frontiers war will continue until
1769. That in 1761 our Great Frederick will be elected
Emperor with absolute power; that in the same year the
Reformation will be again undertaken, and Popery will be
destroyed ; that the Reformer was already at Berlin ; that the
Reformation would be upheld by three most powerful potentates,
namely, the Emperor, the King of England, and the Sultan, who
about that time would embrace the Christian religion. That in
1782 the second Emperor of the House of Brandebourg would
ascend the throne; that he would root out the remnants of
Popery; and that the Imperial dignity would remain with
the House of Brandebourg until the year 2261, which will
probably be the end of the world. He says that next year
(1759) Austria and France will be mortal enemies.
' However it may be, it appears evident that our Kang has
obtained a particular assurance of definite assistance, without
which he would not have been so firm and so courageous in the
greatest dangers. During the last battle, and while in the
midst of the enemy, he continued to cry to his soldiers, '* My
^ ^tamine, very fine canvas.
240 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
children^ be of good courage ; see^ I have no fear,^ May God by
liis grace preserve oar dear Frederick, the pearl of monarchB,
and reward him abandantly for the inconceivable pains which
he is taking for oar deliverance.' ^
It is cnriouH to find sach a mind as Ealer taking seriously
the BerUn clothworker, whose prophecies, by the way, were
almost ingenioasly wrong in every particalar. Amid Frederick's
fearful disasters at Hochkirchen (1758), and at Kanersdorf
(1759), the mathematician must have regretted his credolity ;
but a little later in that Seven Years' War he must also have
felt ashamed of what he had said about the Russians. For in
1760 the Russian soldiers, having pillaged Euler's farm near
Charlottenburg, Qermany, their General (Tottleben) on hearing
of it repaired the loss by a very large sum, the Empress Eliza-
beth adding an indemnity of 4,000 florins. The last seventeen
years of Euler's life were passed at St. Petersburg, where he
found his chief support as a man and a savant ; so that tbe
above letter may take its place as a monumental example of
the delusions into which great men sometimes fall.
CHAPTER CXX
A LETTER of Mme. de Brenles at Ussidres to Mme. de Bocbat
at La Grotte, April 13, 1758, describes a rural ffite, probably on
occasion of the marriage of M. Clavel de Marsens and Mile, de
Chabot-Ghandieu :
' I have received the things you had the goodness to send
me, and thank you very humbly for them, as also for the care
you took in procuring the fish. My dinner would have been a
failure without it, and your fine fruit crowned the dessert I
can only repeat what you have already learned about the fSte.
It was all that could be desired. The wedding took place at
Montprevaire ; there was a parade at the entrance of the estate
before Ussidres, where a halt was made, and before the chAtean.
The cannon were fired at a distance on account of the horses.
* MS. (a contemporary copy) discovered by the author in La Orotte, and
now in bis possesBion.
VAUD. BERNK, AND SAVOY 241
Some ladies and people came from Moudon without being
expected, to receive them at Ussidres with the cannon ; from
thence the procession went opposite Ropraz, where they fired
the rest of the day. Everyone was surprised on entering a
honse which had been for so long a time a bachelor's residence
to find that it did not appear snch, but was well kept and well
famished wilh everything. We have been there each day and
are well received, with much gaiety and cordiality. We did
not notice either the bad weather or the climate. The young
couple are united and happy, as they deserve. The parents of
the bride are very pleasant. The attentions of the husband
are unceasing; the mother, like her daughter, has charmed
everyone. The two fathers have become great friends. M.
de Brenles was not melancholy. It was a very agreeable
pictnre.' "
Voltaire is again besieged by letters. The Abb6 d'Escal-
lier writes to him, August 10, 1758 :
'A taste for study, and my natural inclination, having
caused me to peruse the different works with which so many
illustrious men have enriched the republic of letters (if I did
not fear to wound your modesty I would tell you, not to betray
my thought, that I have found in the works with which you
have enlightened the public, models of all kinds), it struck me
one day that there was wanting to literature a work containing
the lives of all the poets who have ever written — from the singer
of nium to the panegyrist of Henry IV. (chef-d!csuvre of our
language which raises us above Athens, and for which we are
indebted to your happy talents — I venture to say, and you will
permit it, that it was reserved for such a genius as yours to
teach the French nation that it was capable of producing epic
minds), which work should be accompanied by critical disserta*
tions on the different works of the poets.
' It is true that the author's life is prefaced to the works of
some of our poets, but so disfigured, so incorrect in the facts,
so venturesome in the narration, so filled with anachronisms
that it is diflBcult, not to say impossible, to reach the truth
through the clouds that hide it.
* From the anpubliebed oollectionB of Mme. Conetantin Grenier, discorere
bj the author in La Grotte. (MS.)
VOL. U. a
242 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
' I had collected a few fragments scattered here and tliere
on the most ancient monnm^its, which I had read with the
intention of undertaking this work, but I feel that I had con-
sulted my amour-^typre rather than my ability.
^ As I am persuaded, Sir, of that goodness which interests
you in &vour of persons beginning the career you fill with so
much brilliancy, and that this kindly characteristic has urged
you several times to impart to them your knowledge, I take the
liberty of asking, like a respectful son, for your advice on this
work. It will be, Sir, the rule I shall follow, the pledge of an
eternal gratitude and of an inviolable attachment/ etc.'
M. Huet writes from Geneva, December 3, 1758 :
' I have passed many years in compiling an epitome on
Religion. It is a honey I have abstracted from the essence of
all flowers ; I have made it my own special study by composing
an academic discourse requiring rather less than an hour to
read, which has for title " Le Vray."
* I present myself at your door, Sir, in order to refer this
piece to your tribunal. You are the prince of fine geniuses,
and the Hero of our nation. I should render myself guilty of
the crime of anarchy if I did not solicit the honour of your
approbation, or at least if I did not render this feeble homage
to your superiority of knowledge by praying you to grant me
your criticisms.
* Necessity compels me to make profit out of this piece, and
to place it on sale. What would it not gain in price if yon
deign, Sir, to honour it with your protection ?
' Your servants at the door were not able to answer exactly
at what moment I might present it to you ; perhaps they
judged iU of my dress. It is of you. Sir, that I ask an audi-
ence. An accident on the road in coming here places m^e in
straitened circumstances. I am lodging at the ^' Ecu de
France." At the precise moment I shall be at your orders* I
am, Sir, with the most respectful consideration,' etc.*
This letter is headed, ^ De TAnglais Huet.' Mr. Huet,
according to Beuchot, was a member of the British Parlia-
ment, and a grand-nephew of the Bishop of Avranches. He
> Autograph letter from the author's unpublished ooUeotionB.
• nnd
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 248
composed in 1761 a curioas pamphlet entitled 'The Man
after the Heart of Qoi.' Voltaire's drama of 'Saul' was
published (in 1 763) as a translation from the English of M. Hut
(Huet),
In 17S9y as already noted, Voltaire was again at war with
Grasset. On February 11 he writes from Les D^Iices to Pro-
fessor Jean Alphonse Bosset de Bochefort :
* Sir, — I learn the obligations which I owe, or rather which
religion, good order, and public tranquillity owe to you. I am
assured, and I do not doubt it, that you employ your talents
aad your idea of justice in proscribing a libel secretly printed
in your town ; the editor, named Grasset, is already greatly
saspected, since he is known to have robbed the brothers
Cramer at Geneva ; and his criminal suit has been commenced.
It would matter little if supposititious works were imputed to
me in this libel ; that would only be a piece of typographical
roguery to which one is sufiSciently accustomed and which is
not worthy of attention ; but there is a letter on My lord
Bolingbroke which formally attacks religion. Whoever com-
posed it is greatly to blame ; he who spreads it abroad is still
more to blame, and it is a punishable calumny to impute it
to me.
' The pretended letter written from Lausanne to M. Tiriot
[Thieriot] at Paris is not my letter at all ; I never wrote such
nonsense as that which has been printed.
* The reply to this pretended letter by a Society of Literary
Men of Geneva is an outrage to the state of Geneva ; it is an
anonymous work under a fictitious name, and such publica-
tions are not permitted at Geneva.
' The supposed quarrel with M. Vemet, professor of theology,
is another insult to this professor, with whom I have never
quarrelled, and whom I esteem and love.
^ That which concerns the memory of the late Saurin is a
scandal which the wisdom of your Academy wishes to stifle, and
which the Sovereign Ciouncil of Berne does not desire brought
up again.
^ Your prudence seconds the government perfectly ; I do
not donbt that your colleagues think as you do ; I present my
respectful acknowledgments to them, and return to you, Sir,
s 2
244 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
in particular, the most tender and the most sincere thanks.
I wish you and all your family good health. I hope to kave
the honour of thanking you in person very shortly, and assaring
you of the sentiments full of esteem and respect with which I
have the honour to be, Sir, your very humble and very obedient
servant,
* Voltaire, gentilhomme ord. du roy,
Comte de Toumay.* '
Five days later he again addresses the same Professor:
* Sir, — ^The letter with which you honour me does not permit
me to doubt for an instant that you will conform, like yoor
eonfrdresj to the wise and peaceful views of the Lords Curators
and of the Sovereign Council. The principal members of the
State have placed at my disposal a copy of the libel which they
caused to be seized at Lausanne. I consider it to be a de&-
matory and punishable libel, since it has been printed without
the name of the bookseller and without permission, and attacks
the reputation of several persons. I am in my right in insti-
tuting criminal proceedings against the publisher for having
frequently mentioned my name in this libel, for having im-
puted to me works which I never composed, and for having
lavished on me the most scurrilous insults and the most infamous
calumnies.
' It is obvious that the aim of the miserable publish^ of this
insolent libel is to bring out, under cover of several pieces
already printed, a new letter on Saurin, which letter the
Merciire Suisse wisely refused to insert.
*• The question. Sir, is not to know whether the Minister
Saurin, who died so long ago, merited the hangman's rope or
not ; but it is necessary not to endeavour to defame by eveiy
means an innocent family at present comprising eleven mem-
bers ; and the Council of Berne will not permit it. You have
too much reason, justice, and humanity to wish to defend a
punishable libel printed by a scoundrel who is decreed at Geneva
to be liable to arrest for a public theft.
' I hope that the sentiments of friendship will be joined to
■ This and the following letter are in the unpublished collections of Hioe-
Constantin Orenier, disoovered by he author in La Orotte. (MSS.)
VAUD. BERNE, AND SAVOY 245
the pressing motiyes of religion, peacOi honesty, and decency.
I have tlie hononr to be/ &c.
'The letter upon My lord Bolingbroke is not at all that
which was shown me. All this is scandalous and punishable.
' I will add that it is a detestable excuse to say that these
insults have been already printed. Is it permitted to pour
poison into wounds already existing ? '
The libel here referred to by Voltaire was a collection of
pieces published by Grasset under the title of 'La Guerre
litteraiie, on cboix de quelques pidces de M. de V***/ which
contained the supposed letter by Saurin acknowledging his
guilt.
Joseph Saurin, the French geometrician, member of the
Academy of Sciences and Examiner of Books, bom in France
1659, was brought up as a Roman Catholic and named Minister
at Eurre in Dauphin& As the sequel to a dispute with the
Prior he fled to Geneva and adopted the reformed religion,
becoming pastor at Bercher (1684-1689) and signing the
Consensus in 1686. Some remarks in the pulpit aroused the
antagonism of Berne, and to escape the vexatious measures
continually levelled against him he returned to France and
re-entered the Boman Catholic Church in 1690. Having come
into Switzerland in 1712, he was seized, on the accusation of
heresy, and of causing his wife to renounce her religion.
Fictitioas crimes were imputed to him which would have
brought him to the gallows had they been true ; and the climax
was reached when a letter was produced, in which Saurin
confessed his crimes to one of his former friends, a pastor.
This letter was published in the Supplements to the Dictionaries
of Bayle and Moreri, and Voltaire, at the request of Saurin's
family, undertook to defend Saurin. For this purpose he
secured the following document, twenty years after Saurin's
death:
' We, pastors of the church of Lausanne, canton of Berne, in
Switzerland, declare that, being requested to say what we know
of an accusation brought against the late M. Joseph Saurin,
former pastor of the barony of Bercher, in the bailiwick of
Yverdon, and touching a letter imputed to the said M. Saurin,
in which he appears to accuse himself of criminal and discredit-
246 HISTORIC STUDISS IN
able acta ; the eaid letter and the said imputation being printed
in the SvpplSmerUs aux DicUonnaireB is Bayle et de Moreri ; we
declare that we have never seen the original of this pretended
letter, nor known anyone who has seen it, nor heard say that it
had been addreesed to any pastor in this ooontry ; so that we
can only disapprove the nse which has been made of that
docament. In witness whereof we have signed oorselves, this
30th day of March, 1757, at Laosanne,
' Abraham de Crousaz, first pastor of the chnicfa
of Lausanne, and dean ;
* N. PoUER DE BoTTBRS, first psstor of the church
of Lausanne;
* Dahiel Pavilliabd, pastor.' ^
Joseph Saurin died in 1737 (December 29). He left a son,
Bernard Joseph Saurin (1706-1781), advocate, author of the
tragedy of Spartaciu^ who was for a time secretary to the
Prince de Conti.
Li his article on Joseph Saurin, Voltaire says : * I have been
enabled to examine on the spot these accusations against Jofiq)h
Saurin ; I have spoken to the Seignior of the domain of Bercher
[M. le Bsron de Saussure de Bercher], where Saurin had been
pastor ; I addressed myself to all the family of the Seignior of
this domain ; he and all his relatives have unanimously told me
that they have never seen the original of the letter imputed to
Saurin.'
The Swiss clergy wished to remove from office the three
worthy pastors who had signed in accordance with their con-
science; it is undoubtedly to this same subject that M. de
Steiguer refers in the letter already quoted to M. de Brenles,
June 19, 1757 — ' Speaking about disorder, M. Gronsa has been
punished severely. Is example, therefore, so necessary witii
you?'
Voltaire frequently refers to the vexations which the Minister
Polier de Bottens sufiered for having signed the preceding
document. To M. de Brenles he writes (November 2, 1758):
' You are right in pitying our friend Polier de Bottens, who
has had the weakness to allow himself to be blamed by vulgar
* Beachot, vol. xiz. p. 208, erroneonsly writes the name Povilkitl.
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 247
pedants, after having had the strength to do bravely a good
work which ought to have silenced these rascals. I speak
rather as a man who possesses towers [referring to the Chateaa
of Femey] and machicolations, and who is not afraid of the
Consistory.' To M. Bertrand, November 27 : * Tour ministers
of Lausanne, who have a grudge against our Mend Polier, have
conducted themselves with him in this affair very indecently,
and he has been too yielding. He ought to have shown firm-
ness on such an occasion.'
To M. Bertrand again, January 30, 1759, he speaks of a
M. d'Amay, son of the professor, the former associate of
Bousquet, as probably having the printed sheets at his house.
He adds in a postscript : ' He catechist Chavanes, of Yevai, is
not, I am assured on oath, the author of the libel. Allamand
is the man who is sure to be informed of this intrigue ; but I
do not wish to write to him.'
He informs M. de Brenles, February 7, 1759, that the
author of the libel is a certain Lervdche [Leresche], a former
preceptor of General Constant de Bebecque, and now minister
of Roche, within the circle of Villeneuve. Leresche sent it for
correction to Allamand, and to M. de Chavannes, at Yevay, who
would have nothing to do with it. And on February 29, to
M. Bertrand : ' Allamand writes to me that all the pastors of
Yevai disavow the libel dated from Yevai. This is a fresh
reason for its suppression.'
It has been seen in a preceding letter that Yoltaire signs
himself C!ount of Toumay. His former secretary, Colini, says
in his Memoirs : ^ Yoltaire signed for some time in this way,
after having acquired the domain of Toumay. His enemies did
not see that it was a pleasantry, and accused this great man of
a ridiculous vanity. He had taken this title of Gomte as he
afterwards took that of Fr^re Yoltaire, Capucin indigne, when
the Capuchins of the country of 6ex named him (1770) their
temporal father.'
The following lines, by an unknown poet, were found in the
garrets of La Grotte :
248 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
A MOB D£ VOLTAIBE, COMTE DE TOUBNAT, 1759.
H61u ! qa*e8t devena le temps,
Voltaire, oh. ton heoieox g(6nie
Prodmeoit les plaisirB ooiutaiis
Et la gloiie de la Patrie ?
Dee possessions et des rangs
DMfugnant le faste ephtedre,
Bival de Sophoole et d*Homdre
Tu marohois an-dessos des grands.
Eh ! quel censeoi atrabilaire
Etit pa te refuser alors
Gette gloire, jnste salaire
De tes admirables essors ?
Quand ton pinoeau rare et snblime
A nos OQBurs oharm^ et surpris
Dn plas illostre des Henris
Trapoit la verta magnanime,
Le nom d'Aroaet, exalte
Par rhannonie et Ttioqaenee
Aveo le H6ros de la Franoe,
Partageoit I'immortalit^.
Tes snoods brillans et rapides
Be mnltiplioient dans lenrs cours,
De froides odes des candides
N'obscoroissoient pas tes beaux jonrs,
Une noblesse imaginaire
N'eut pas alors s^nit ton ooenr,
C'^toit asses d'etre Voltaire
Poor exister aveo honneur.
Maintenant, seigneur gentilbomme.
Quel Protocole m'apprendra
Comment vous voul^s qu*on vons nomme ;
Chunbellan, Comte, et cetera ?
Mille pardons, Votre Exoellenoe,
Mes efforts sont trop limit^s
Pour d^nombrer vos quality.
Dans la nomenclature immense
De vos modemes dignity
S*^are ma reminiscence.
II est yrai qu'au grand toivsin
J'aurois donn6 la preference
Sur la f astueuse existence
D*un petit Seigneur Gisalpin
Dont rennuyeuse suffisanoe
Des mtoes droits de suzerain
Savours la preeminence.
Car enfin, noble oh&telain,
De la pompe qui vous d6core,
Que redat soit trompenr ou vrai,
Je rends vingt Comtes de Toumay
Pour un Voltaire 4 son aurore.*
* Original MS. in the unpublished collections of Mme. Conatantin Qrtnier.
discovered by the author in La Grotte.
VAUD, BEBNK, AND SAVOY 249
CHAPTER CXXI
M. GrRANG£, a bookseller mentioned in several of Voltaire's
published letters, writes from Paris, March 27, 1759, to recom-
zoend himself to Voltaire as the pablisher of a correct and beau-
tiful edition of his works :
' Sir, — It has been for a long time complained that in general
our best authors are badly printed. Your works have not had
in France a different fate from those of Comeille, Racine, and
many other great men who have illustrated our nation ; they
have always been badly printed. Jf we except your Hemiade,
of which the English have made an elegant edition, and the last
edition of your works which has just appeared at Geneva,
where shall we find one, Sir, that is passable ? All our French
booksellers whom you have gratified with your works have gained
a great deal of money ; but if they have had occasion to be
satisfied with your generosity, neither you, Sir, nor the pubUc
have canse for being satisfied with their handiwork. Although
their numerous editions have been sold immediately they were
printed, they certainly did not owe the success of so ripid a
sale to their typographical merits. All these gentlemen have
had the same greed for gain; and yet not one of them has had
the emulation to surpass his confrbres by beauty in the execution
of the work.
• You will judge for yourself. Sir, by casting your eyes on
the prospectus which I have the honour to send, of the desire I
have to deserve your approbation and that of the public. I
propose, if you permit me, to spare neither care nor expense to
make an edition of your works which shall be of exceptional
beauty. M. Lemoine, my brother-in-law, does me the pleasure
to preside over the department of design and engraving which
will be executed by our greatest masters ; and he has had, and
will have, your portrait engraved from your bust. As for the
typographical portion, a man of letters and taste will undertake
the corrections, and I will have type made superior to that
which I have employed for the prospectus.
2S0 HISTORIC STUDIES IK
* I shall be flattered, Sir, if mj zeal and my emulation are
agreeable to yon, and in that case you will much oblige me by
indicating the number of copies that you will destine for your
friends. I shall consider it a duty to present them on yonr
behalf.
' I have the hononr to be, Sir, with profound respect, your
yery humble and obedient servant,
*• Orano£, Imprimenr-Libraire,
' Bue de la Parcheminerie k Pans.'^
Professor Escher, writing from Zurich, April 3, 1759, to
M. Bosset de Bochefort at Lausanne, speaks of Zimmermann,
^ whom I call my father,' and of a M. Blachon, who is about to
enter the ministry at Zurich. He continues :
^ Permit me, Sir, to beg a small service of you. There is at
Zurich a M. Simler, inspector alumnorumj formerly my pre-
ceptor and now my confrdre and Mend — a great admirer of the
History of the Beformation — and very learned in this kind of
study, which even with you is considered an oracle. He is also
a correspondent of Grerdes, of young Haller, and of Sinner the
librarian. He requested me, when writing to Lausanne, to
present his respects to yon, and beg yon to send an ample ao-
count of the late Dom Quiros, professor in yonr Academy, con-
cerning his origin, his travels, and his works. A student coold
draw it up for you. He wishes to insert it in a German oolleo-
tion of pieces which he will join to the Histoire de la BSforwe,
to which he is always adding some new literary thing I
knew that you were among his friends and even patrons, and
that one could not apply to a better source to have correct
information about the deceased professor. ... If by chance, ^
I believe, some inhabitants of Zurich will soon be going to
Lausanne, I shall have the honour to send you a dissertation or
two of M. Hogenbach, very different from those of M. Zimmer-
mann. Ah, how we have fallen ! But I am more garrulous
than I ought to be. I conclude by begging you to accept my
respects and friendly souvenirs, and for your dear family ae
well as for the de Bochats and d'Arnays,' &c.*
' Autograph letter, in the author's unpublished oolleotions.
' From the unpublished collections of Mme. Gonstantin Grenier, diaooTCi^J
by the author in La Orotte (MS.). Hyacintne Bemal Dom Quiros, a Spaniard
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 261
M. Cappelman, writing from Paris, November 20, 1751, to
M. Bosaet de Bochefort at Lausanne, says : ' The situation of
the worthy M. de Quiros causes me all the more pain since it
is said that a man of his merit and probity should be exposed^
although innocent, to feel the effects of the bad conduct of a
few of his predecessors, as a price of the sacrifice he has mad»
to the truth/ *
Professor Escher, of Zurich, who was also pastor at Wip-
kingen,^ writes to Mme. de Bochat at Lausanne, August 16,
1759:
'Madame, — ^I fear less to abuse your goodness since my
aunt has assured me of the continuance of your benevolence^
and told me that you would not feel hurt if I took the liberty
of sending some of my friends to you, and asked you to grant
them the entrance to good society. ... I have formed an idea
that they will one day be the ornament of our Republic. I
know full well the friendship you have for the human race, and
dare to hope that you will always favour the stronger sex, and
will contribute with pleasure to obtain for them every occasion
to learn easy, polished, and agreeable manners among persons
of good morals, for whom only you have any liking. The two
travelling companions are members of very good families ; one
is named Orell, who will some day be very rich. He is well
educated and witty, has a kindly heart, but is extremely lazy
and inclined for pleasures. At an early age he frequented
ladies' society, which is contrary to the usage of our country,
and has even induced others of his own age to imitate him.
He has discovered the art of attending upon the ladies without
by birth, was a theologian of the Pope ; bat having to defend the oanse of Pro-
testantism in a dispute, as was onstoma^ daring Lent between the theologians
of the Pope, he sustained his thesis with so much talent, knowledge, and elo-
quence, that he entirely vanqaished his adversary in the oontroversy. Dom
Quiros was in consequence compelled to quit Borne. He went to Switzerland,
where he became a Protestant, and later was appointed by the Berne authori-
ties Professor Extraordinary of Ecclesiastical History at Lausanne. At his
death he bequeathed his library to the Academy. He was the author of Dis-
serUUio HistaruB EccUsiasHca (Berne, 1754), and of Historia EcclesuisHca,
the latter being in manuscript in the Cantonal Library.
' From the unpublished coUections of Mme. Gonstantin Grenier, discovered
by the author in La Grotte.
^ Wipkingen is a smaU village on the Limmat, about half a league from
Zurieh. A little beyond the village a magnificent view is obtained of the
beaatifnl environs of Zurich.
252 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
appearing to be a fop, whicb is sufficiently difficult with ub.
The other is Schneeberger, the noble son of a coancillor wlio is
a man of property. He is a young man with far less vivacity
and knowledge than Orell, rather proud and cold, but a man of
wit and deep thought, speaking well if little. They could not
have chosen better ; the coldness of the one preyents the ot^er
going too far J and the vivacity of Orell is somewhat commnni-
cated to Schneeberger when he has need of it. Schneeberger
takes as much pleasure in the society of ladies as Orell, bat
his conversation is quieter and more agreeable ; one will shine
at a ball, and the other on the public promenade or at the
toilette.
^ I would also wish them to become acquainted with Mes-
sieurs Bosset, Pavilliard, and Vesson,^ ecclesiastics of rare merit,
who will remind them from time to time that one is born for
pleasures of a higher order than simple amusements. . . .
^ As for your professor, Madame, he is in excellent health, a
candidate for good fortune in our order, and awaiting patiently
the place which Providence has destined for him. For the rest
he takes little trouble, and amuses himself by making acqnaint-
ance with any one who pleases him. He studies at his con-
venience, Christian eloquence and morals being the principal
points upon which he is engaged, together with the reading of
the Scriptures, and a few well-chosen systems of theology and
philosophy. Sometimes for a change I take pleasure in read-
ing some well-written history or poem in good taste ; and thus
my days glide quietly by, thank God, in a laughing and floniish-
ing country. . . .
' I owe a reply to M. Bosset, who has had the goodness to
execute a commission which I gave him ; but I have been pre-
vented from doing so by His Excellency Leu,* and I await
his orders to write to him. ... I was rather vexed with
M. Simler's having sent this letter to His Excellency ; but the
thing having been done, and His Excellency vdshing to give
' Vesson, or Besson, is mentioned in Oeorge Deyrerdun^a Diary.
' Jean Jacques Leu, Swiss historian and jurisoonsult, bom at Zurich 1^9«
died 1768 ; ohancellor of his native city in 1729, and burgomaster 1759 ; Buthor
of Dictionnaire 04n4ral de la Conftd^ation Helvitique, in twenty yolnmes, tr^
quently quoted by Gibbon in his Introduction a VHistoire Oin^aU de la
B^publiquedes Suisses under the title of ' Dictionnaire Historiquede laSui^e.'
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 258
opinion, we must await patiently his return from the Diet, and
the happy moment of M. Simler's audience.' *
Professor Escher probably belonged to the same family as
the celebrated Henri Escher (1626-1710) and Jean Gaspard
Escher (1678-1762), both burgomasters of Zurich.
Count C6sar Gabriel de Choiseul, who became Duke de
Praslin, November 2, 1762 (having previously replaced towards
the end of 1758 his cousin, Count de Choiseul-Stainville, in
the post of French ambassador at Vienna), wrote to Voltaire,
July 27, 1769:
^ Tou are quite right, Sir, in thinking that the death of
Socrates would be an amusement capable of softening the
bitterness of a long and tedious journey. Whatever aversion I
may have for this kind of life, I would travel continually with
pleasure if I always had one of your works to read, and in
default of new works I carry with me your old ones, which
have always the merit of novelty and become more agreeable
and more instructive the better one knows them. This is what
happened to me during my journey, which I abridged by re-
reading, among others, a certain Gandide^ which is a charming
work. Socrates only reached me here, but it has given me
none the less pleasure. One finds in all your books a gaiety, a
true philosophy which delights us, a charm which makes as
displeased with the works of others, and this is the only
reproach which can be made against you. I am infinitely
touched. Sir, by this attention on your part ; it is all the more
precious to me because it is a proof of the justice which you
render to my taste and to my heart, as well as to your fiiend-
ship. I pray yon to preserve it and give me often like proofs
of it, and to be persuaded of mine, as well as of the sentiments
which bind me to you. Permit me to present my compliments
to Madame Denis.' ^
' Unpublished coUectionB of Mme. Coustantin Qrenier, discovered by the
aothor in La Grotte.
' Autograph letter in the author's unpublished collections.
254 HISTOBIC STUDIES IK
CHAPTER CXXII
Voltaire writes from Ferney to M. Tabareau, direct«ur-g6n6ral
des Postefl at Lyons, February 3, 1769 :
' I was not aware, Sir, that you had been so dangerously ill
Rest assured that one cannot know you without being tenderly
interested in you. The winter begins to be hard. Take great
care of yoursel£ Your health ought to be dear to all honest
people.
* It is laughable to celebrate the purification and the pre-
sentation at tiie same time. France would be a very pretty
Hiappy) country without the taxes and the pedants. With
regard to the people, it will always be senseless and barbarons.
Witness what l^appened to the canaiUe at Lyons. They are
oxen which require a yoke, a goad, and hay. I embrace you
and M. Vasselier * with all my heart. Without compliments,
if you please. — ^V.' *
Writing to the same, March 24, 1771, Voltaire begins with
the following lines destined to be placed at the bottom of a por-
trait of the Empress of Russia executed at Lyons on the loom,
by the care of the manufacturer, M. Lasalle :
< Da Nil au BoBphore
L'Ottoman fr6mii.
Bon peaple Tadore,
La ierre apUudit [sic],
* This, Sir, is the shortest that I can do for your pro^,
and the shortest in such a case is always the least bad.
' There was a rumour here that M. le Due de Choiseul ' was
to arrive at Versailles to-day (Sunday). That would be charm-
ing, but it is hardly probable.
'How is your health, my dear Sir? I hope it is better
than mine. I embrace Monsieur Vasselier very tenderly.— V.'*
1 Joseph Vasselier, 1785-1798, who was first assistant at the Post Offioe vt
Lyons at 1769, aided Voltaire in disseminating his works and in forwarding
his letters and manuscript.
* Original letter, in the author's possession. The seoond paragraph ox tnis
letter follows a different commenoement in Avenel (tome ix. p. 271).
' Duke de Choiseul-Stainville.
* Original letter in the author's unpublished collections.
VAUD, BEBNB. AND SAVOY 255
In 1772 and 1773 Voltaire plunged with his usual ardour
into the law-suit between the Count de Morangi^s ^ and the
Verrons, defending the former in every possible manner. His
letters at this moment to M. Marin ' relate almost exclusively
to this affair. He writes from Femey, March 1, 1773 :
' It is at my twenty-third attack of fever that I make up
this packet. See that after my death M. I'Avocat Lacroix
learns to be more honest. I shall believe till my last moments
that M. de Morangi^s is innocent and imprudent. Linguet is
all at sea. I rely upon you to have my reply printed ; surely
nothing can prevent it.
' I embrace you, dead or alive. I recommend to your good
offices the accompanying packets. I pray you also to have the
kindness to send a copy to M. Elie de Beaumont.' ^
Again, March 21, 1774:
* We live, my dear Friend, in the century of ridicule and
impertinence. Let him escape who can. Your letter informs
me of matters of which I was unaware. Nothing was wanting
to the absurdities and to the scandalous proceedings with which
one is inundated, but the insolence of a petition of the Yerrons
for the repeal of the judgment. I have a letter of credit on a
Veron at Paris, but I flatter myself that he is not related to the
old woman of the hundred thousand kfus.
^ I hear that a white bull has escaped in Paris and strikes
with its horns for an Scu. Could you not induce M. de Sartine
to order that this bull shall not be allowed out of its stable ? I
have entirely lost sight of it for more than a year. I am much
afflicted that it is allowed to run about thus. There are too
many people who would like to eat my bull and me.
* My strangury has come on again. I shall be very sorry to
* * Lienteoant-General Count de Morangi^s played the strangest rdle in this
affair,* says M. Desnoiresterres, ' among usurers and pawnbrokers. He accused
them of robbing him, while they had induced him to sign bills to the amount
of 350,000 livres, which he refused to pay as they fell due. Voltaire espoused
his cause from personal motives, having been acquainted with the family for
many years.*
* Francis Lonis Claude Marini, or Marin, French author, 1721-1809, was
director of the Oeuette de France in 1771, royal censor, seor^taire-g^n^ral de
la Libndrie, and lieutenant-general of the Admiralty.
' Original letter in the author's unpublished collections. I also possess the
originals of the letters of August 10, 1772, and August 9, 1773, to Marin, pub-
iished in Avenel, who does not give the name of the recipient of the latter.
256 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
leave the country of balls, monkeys, cats and rats, without
having had the consolation of spending a few days with you.
Will you have the kindness to forward the enclosed ? — YJ *
Again, October 14, 1775 :
'Your letter of October 1, received on the 12th, my dear
Friend, informs me of the irreparable loss which you have sus-
tained. I share your grief; it increases those which nature
causes me to suffer in my decrepitude. My heart is as sensible
as my body is feeble and languishing.
' I shall have difficulty in sending you what you have been
good enough to ask for. I have received only a single collection
of these coquiUes about which you are curious. This unfortn-
nate heap of useless things was arranged without my being con-
sulted. They have placed together foreign caterpillars and
snails from the neighbourhood. It is the most badly made and
the most badly arranged cabinet that it is possible to sea This
is how they treat a poor old invalid who passes his life in his
bed ; they sell his furniture without telling him anything about
it, and strangers slip their rubbish into his inventory.
'If on your return you had been able to pass by these
deserts, which I have rendered slightly inhabitable, you would
have consoled me.
' I have been told that when you left the banks of the Spree
you were laden with presents. Ton would give me pleasure by
kindly entering into a few details with regard to the agreeable
features of your journey. You know how much I interest
myself in everything that concerns you. It has been my good
fortune to have my feeble talents united with yours during my
life.
' I embrace you with all the sentiments which I shall retain
to the tomb. — V.'
The following unpublished letter of Voltaire, in my posses-
sion, written entirely in his own hand, bears neither tie name
of the recipient nor the date :
* I have received, Sir, everything that you have done me the
honour to send me. Attentions of this nature are very precioas ;
it would be desirable that persons in authority think as you do.
* This and the following are from the original letters in the author's un-
published ooUections.
VAUD, BEENE, AND SAVOY 267
The hononrable labour yon take is a reproach which you
address to them ; they ought to blash at having less zeal than
you have.
* Bat permit me, Sir, to request you most earnestly not to
do me the honour which you have in view for me. Time alone
can ensure the reputation of literary works. My tragedies are
of little account, and even if they had some slight merit their
BQccess can only be ensured after a very considerable time.
Even the Heivnade — the only work by which I am at all known
among foreigners — is hardly a poem with which France can
identify itself in order to place it by the side of Tasso and
Milton. Posterity alone will regulate the rank of each, and
neither you nor I can foresee its judgment. We must en-
deavour, Sir, to exclude from our temples those divinities whose
reputation is not entirely perpetuated. A letter from a person
named St. Hyacinthe, printed in your book, rather desecrates
the altar on which you sacrifice. It was flattering to see at
Rome one's bust in the Palatine Library, but the honour must
be rare and accorded uniquely to merit to be in fact a reward.
As for me. Sir, I have never been ambitious of any literary
position or honour ; I desire only the honour of loving the arts,
of cultivating them for themselves, and of being your friend.
' M. Peirard, who is staying with me, sends you a thousand
compliments. I have the honour to be. Sir, with much grati-
tude^ your very humble and obedient servant,
* VOLTAIBK.'
Early in February, 1768, Moultou writes from Geneva to
Voltaire at Femey, who was then deep in the Sirven matter :
* I thank you a thousand times for the excellent news
which you give me. You have gained a new triumph over
fanaticism ; I do not despair of soon seeing it in chains at your
feet. M. le Due de Choiseul [Choiseul-Stainville] is well
capable of understanding the lessons which you give to Kings,
and to put them in practice. It was right that you should both
be bom in the same century, and ours had need of two men who
are so intrepid and so enlightened.
* I do not yet know whether the friend to whom I applied
at Montpellier has found the document for which you ask, and
VOL. U. S
268 HISTORIO STUDIES IN
wheUier he hu sent it to M. de Chardon.^ I Bhall know
shortly.
' I have read UHomme avm Quwrarde Ecus^ and Le J9tn«r
[du OonUe] da BcmUUntnlliera^ It is impoesible that every
eye should not be at last opened to the tmlli. If a few disoon-
tented monks brought abont a revolntion in a century but little
enlightened, what will you not do in oars ?
* Here, Sir, is the progress which Geneva has made. We
are still well divided here. The Council sincerely wishes for
peace, but the citizens wish to impose terrible conditions ; they
are not satisfied with electing half the Two Hundred and the
Little Council. They wish further to grabeiler the Two Hundred
every year. But when each citizen is the judge of his magis-
trates, it seems to me. Sir, that no one will wiah to be a
magistrate ; the rdle of citizen will be preferable. In truth, I
do not know how it will all finish, but the manner in which the
oonflict is being carried on proves that it expects nothing from
the Guarantee Powers.
* I ardently desire to have the honour of seeing you, and if
my wife were not ill I would have been at Femey to console
myself for our snfierings at Geneva. I will go, Sir, at the
first opportunity that I have free, in order to present to yon my
most profound respects.
Voltaire died May 30, 1778.*
In the midst of the Bavarian war of succession, while at
' M. de Chardon was charged to examine the ease of Sirven prior to Ujioi?
it before the Gounoil. In 1762 Elizabeth Sirren committed suicide in a fit of
insanity bronght on by the ill-treatment to which she had been subjeeted afc
the convent where she had been placed by the Bishop of Castres. Her lather,
Pierre Paul Sirren, a Protestant, bom at Castres in 1709, was aooased of
murdering her to prevent her conversion to Boman Catholicism. Sirrea
escaped over the moantains in rigorous weather to Switzerland with his wife
and two remaining daughters. Berne and Oeneva granted them a pension,
while Voltaire received and gave them shelter at Ferney. In 1764 Sirven and
his wife were condemned to the gibbet, and their two daughters to pmpetoAl
exile and the confiscation of their property, the sentence being carried oat in
effigy at Mazamet, Sept. 11, 1764. Voltaire espoused their cause, and after
five years of uninterrupted labour effected the rehabilitation of the Sirrens.
* Published in 1767.
' Autograph letter in the author's unpublished collections.
* The late Mr. James Parton published a Life of Voltaire in two volumes,
distinguished by all the charm of style and construction peculiar to that
writer; He has availed himself of all printed souioes and has produced a
literary work which is an honour to America.
VAUD, SBBHE. AND SAVOY 269
the Camp of Schazlar, Frederick the Great composed a Ealogy
on Voltaire, which he read the same year before the Boyal
Academy of Sdenoes and Belles-lettres of Berlin, of which he
was President. I possess the original letter from Frederick
to M. d'Argental, dated Silberberg, Fefamary 27, 1779, in
which the King refers to having sent a copy of this Ealogy to
Voltaire's ' Angel,' and pays a fiirther tribate to the departed
philosopher :
' Knowing the esteem M. de Voltaire had for yon, and the
attadiment you had for him, I made it a pleasure to send you
his Ealogy. The circumstances in which I am placed did not
permit me to make it as well as I should have liked or as his
genius, which I shall alwajrs regret, deserved. I would have
done everything in the world to repair the loss of this great
man ; but being unable to recall him to life, I thought it my
duty to render justice to his merit and to express the regrets
which the loss of this fine genius has caused me. It is unfor-
tunately to this point that the duty of contemporaries is
limited at the loss they experience of great men. I am
sensible of all that you so kindly say of me, and I shall be
delighted to have opportunities of proving to you the esteem in
which I hold yon, and the interest which I take in what con-
cerns you. Whereupon I pray God to have you in His holy
and worthy keeping.
* Frederick.' *
CHAPTER CXXIII
Who was Gibbon, and what were his antecedents ? This will
appear an absurd question to the critics ; but as this book is
intended not only for them, but also for the multitude who at
this busy period of the world's history sometimes retain the
name of a celebrated man without recalling the details of his
life, it may be useful to mention briefly the incidents preceding
his appearance in Switzerland.
The Historian himself says in his Autobiography :
* A lively desire of knowing and of recording our ancestors
' Original aatograph letter in the author's collections.
260 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
80 generally prevails, that it must depend on the inflaenoe of
some common principle in the minds of men. We seem to have
lived in the persons of oar forefathers; it is the labour and
reward of vanity to extend the term of this ideal longevity. . . .
For my own part, could I draw my pedigree from a general, a
statesman, or a celebrated author, I should study their lives with
the diligence of filial love. ... I may judge, however, from &b
experience both of past and of the present times, that the public
are always carious to know the men who have left behind them
any image of their minds ; the most scanty accounts of such
men are compiled with diligence and perused with eagerness;
and the student of every class may derive a lesson or an example
from the lives most similar to his own.'
Such an investigation in Gibbon's case is all the more
necessary because his own sketch of his progenitors coataios
important errors.
* My family,' he says, ' is originally derived from the county
of Kent. The southern district, which borders on Sassex and
the sea, was formerly overspread with the great forest AnderiM
and even now retains the denomination of the WeaJd, or Wood-
land. In this district, and in the hundred and parish of
Bolvenden, the Gibbons were possessed of lands in the year
one thousand three hundred and twenty-six; and the elder
branch of the family, without much increase or diminution of
property, still adheres to its native soil. ... In the beginning
of the seventeenth century, a younger branch of the Gibbons of
Rolvenden migrated from the country to the city, and from Ais
branch I do not blush to descend. . . . My family arms are the
same which were borne by the Gibbons of Kent in an age when
the College of Heralds religiously guarded the distinctions of
blood and name : alien rampant gardant, between three schallop-
shells argent, on a field azare. . . . The chief honour of my
ancestry is James Fiens, Baron Say and Scale, and Lord High
Treasurer of England in the reign of Henry the Sixth ; from
whom by the Phelips, the Whetnalls, and the Cromers, I am
lineally descended in the eleventh degree.'
He tells us, moreover, that Eobert Gibbon, who married
Margai-et Phillips, and through whom he deduces his descent
from Lord Saye and Sele, was his lineal ancestor in the fifth
VAUD, BEBNE. AND SAVOY 26t
degree ; that Robert's son Bobert left two sons, of whom the
elder, Matthew, was his (the historian's) great-grandfather, while
the younger, John, was bom 1629, educated at Jesus College,
Cambridge, acquired a knowledge of foreign languages as a
soldier and traveller, and in 1659 resided for a year in Virginia.
Unfortunately, Gibbon, who was greatly interested in his
family history, had not completed his inquiries when writing the
above account ; and indeed he died not long afterwards, before
he could consolt his distant connection, Sir Egerton Brydges,
and obtain a more correct statement of his descent.
Sir Egerton points out that Gibbon was not descended from
Bobert Gibbon of Bolvenden, Kent, who died in 1618, and who
married Margaret, daughter of Edward Phillips de la Weld in
Tenterden, and of Bose his wife, daughter of George Whitnell,
of East Peckham, Esq. ; and consequently Lord Saye and Sele
was not his ancestor.
Again, John Gibbon, Bluemantle, mentioned by the Historian
as being the brother of his great-grandfather Matthew, was the
son of the above Bobert Gibbon of Bolvenden. The said John,
educated at Cambridge, and who resided in Virginia in 1659,
thus belonged to the elder line.
Gibbon himself, continues Sir Egerton, was the descendant
of a younger branch of the above family, one of whose members,
Thomas Gibbon, Esq., purchased from Lord Borough, in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, the manor of West Cliffe, about three
miles north-east from Dover, on the road to Deal. Thomas
Gibbon died, and was buried in the church there, January 15,
1596, leaving two sons, Philip and Matthew. The elder, Philip,
married in 1586 at West Cliffe, died at his house, Christ-
church, Canterbury, in 1629, and was buried at West Cliffe.
His eldest son, Thomas, born in 1590, married thrice. His
three sons by his first wife, Thomas, Bichard, and George, left
no male descendants ; his second wife, Alice Taylor, half-sister
of Jane, daughter of Cheney Selherst, of Tenterden, Esq., was
the mother of Edward Gibbon, who married a daughter of Sir
John Boberts, and left a daughter, Jane Gibbon, who married
in 1704 John Brydges,' Esq., of Gray's Inn, barrister-at-law,
and became the grandmother of Sir Egerton Brydges.^
* The OerUleman*9 Mctganne, toIb. Iviii. lix. Ixyi. IzviL
262 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Id passing I may say, oonoerning Sir Egerton's Btsteraent
that Thomas Gibbon purchased the manor of West Cliffe firom
Lord Borongh, that original deeds and a lease in my posseBsioD
prove that the parchaser of what was called West Cliffe manor
was Philip Gibbon, yeoman, and not Thomas Gibbon, his &ther.
The former bought the manor from William Fenwicke, of Stan-
ton, CO. Northumberland, Esq., 28 March 7 James I. The
lease, however, shows that a moiety of the manor of West (Siffe
was in the possession of Sir William Sedley, of Aylesforde, co.
Kent, Knight, from whom it passed for a term of years to Philip
Gibbon, 1 2 July 8 James I.
Edward Gibbon, whose first wife was Miss Roberts, mairied
a second time a daughter of his cousin Richard. She survived
him, and married Philip Yorke, by whom she had Lord Chan-
cellor Hardwicke, bom at Dover in 1690.
Edward's second brother, William, died in childhood; while
Matthew, the third brother, who settled in London as a linen-
draper, was the great-grandfather of the historian, and died in
1709.
From this point the historian's account is measurably correct,
although he erroneously calls John Gibbon, Bluemantle Herald,
nncle of his grandfather, Edward Gibbon. The latter Edward,
bom in 1666, the son of Matthew the draper, had a brother
named Thomas, Dean of CarliRle, and a sister. This Hdward, »
man of great enterprise, was employed to clothe King William's
troops in Flanders, his affairs at home being left to his actire
mother, Hester. This lady's second marriage with an Acton
(a widower), and her son Edward Gibbon's marriage and his
sister's marriage into the same family united the historian 'bf
a triple alliance ' with the Shropshire baronets of that name.
Mr. Gibbon's grandfather, Edward Gibbon, held the ofiBce of
Commissioner of the Customs in the Tory administration in the
last four years of the reign of Queen Anne (1710-1714). Here
he displayed a knowledge of finance and commerce whidi w<»i
the admiration of Bolingbroke. In 1716 he was made a director
of the South Sea Company, from whose wreck there was ssY^d
only ten of the sixty thousand pounds he had preyionslT
possessed, yet in sixteen years he had quite rebuilt his fortunes,
and acquired estates in Sussex, Hampshire, Buckinghamshiie,
YAUD, BEBNE, ASID 8AT0Y S63
and Surrey. He died at his residence in Patney in 1736, at the
1^ of Beventy, leaving his money chiefly to his two danghters.
Of these, Catherine became the wife of Edward Elliston, and
Hester remained a spinster — also a disciple of the mystical
WilliAm Law. The only son (Edward, father of the historian)
did not share so largely as his two sisters in his father's beqaeste,
because his marriage had not met with the paternal approval.
He was bom in 1707, and died at his manor of Bnriton, near
Petersfieldy Hants, November 10, 1 770, in his sixty-fourth year.
He married twice. His first wife (to whom he was united
June 8, 1736) we shall immediately refer to. His second wife
was Miss Dorothy Patton, who, as the stepmother of the
historian, became a faithful and loving parent.
His only son, Edward Oibbon, the historian, was bom at
the family mansion in Putney, April 27, 1737 (O.S.).* The
announcement in the ' Gentleman's Magazine ' under that date
was as follows : — ' The lady of Edward Gibbon, Esq., Member
for Petersfield, of a son.'
TTiR mother, Jndith Porten, was the daughter of Mr. James
Porten, a merchant of London, residing at Putney, in whose
house Gibbon says he passed the few happy hours of his child-
hood. . His mother's only brother was Sir Stanier Porfeen. One
of her sisters married Mr. Darrell, of Richmond, who left two
sons, Edward and Robert, the former of whom eventually became
one of Gibbon's executors.* The other sister, Catherine, being
unmarried, devoted herself to the little child, whose mother was
absolutely absorbed, as Gibbon remarks, * by her frequent preg-
nancies, by an exclusive passion for her husband, and by the
dissipation of the world, in which his taste and authority obliged
her to mingle.'
1 Gibbon*s father lived in a house at Putney, no longer existing, whioh the
histoiian says was acquired by his paternal grandfather. Lord Sheffield adds
that it was afterwards inhabited by Richard Wood, M.P., the famous traveller
and author of the splendid folio, Buina of Palmyra^ 1768, and the correspond-
ing volume, RuinB of Badlbec, fol. 1757. The author of the present work
poesesses an admirable coloured copy (prepared for him in 1880 by the well-
known engraver, James A. Burt) of an interesting map in the British Museum,
entitled, * Survey of the House^ Gardens, and Grounds, at Putney, belonging to
Edward Gibbon, Esq. Surveyed and drawn bv I. Booque, 1744.' The circum-
ference of the entire property is one mile and three-quarters. Its frontage of
more Uian a quarter of a mile is on the Wandsworth Boad, cornering on Putney
Ijane, which forms its north-western boundary.
* The other eieoutors were Lord Sheffield and Mr. John Thomas Batt. Mr.
Bait dfiolined, and Lord Sheffield and Mr. Edward Darrell acted.
264 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
His childhood and early youth were filled witli sad illnesses.
In an interval of health, in January 1746, he was sent to
Dr. Wooddeson's school at Kingston-npon-Tham^. Here,
however, he was fireqaently prostrated by sickness, and was
finally recalled on the occasion of his mother's death, in Decem-
ber 1747. His father was so overwhelmed by the loss thai;
Gibbon was entirely given np to the care of his aunt, who
norsed him with affection, and carried him constantly to the
hoase of his maternal grandfather, near Pntney Bridge and
chnrchyard. But a year later, the failure of Mr. Porten deprived
him of this delightful resort, the effects being sold and the house
given up just before Christmas, 1748.
Gibbon considered this year (1748), when he was eleven, as
the turning-point in his intellectual character. During these
twelve months he read much English poetry, romance, historj,
and travels.
What remained of Mr. Porten*s fortune scarcely more than
sufficed to maintain him, and his daughter, induced by her
affection for her nephew, set up a boarding-house for Westmin-
ster School. Thither Gibbon accompanied her in January 1749
(N.S.), and passed two years at the school, of which Dr. John
NicoU was head-master. He was then compelled by bad health
to retire to his father's residence at Buriton and Putney.^
At the age of fifteen, strange to say, his various disorders
disappeared, and he enjoyed the measure of vitality which was
his thenceforth. He was now (January 1752) placed at Esher,
in Surrey, imder the Rev. Philip Francis, the translator of
Horace, son of the Dean of Lismore, and brother of Richard
Francis, an eminent lawyer, author of ' Maxims of Equity,' and
of Tench Francis, Attorney-General of Pennsylvania (1741-
1755), founder of the distinguished American family of Francis.
Mr. Philip Francis was the father of Sir Philip Francis, long
the reputed author of the Junius Letters.'
Three months later Gibbon's father, finding that his son
■ Dr. Vinoent, in his letters of July 20 and 22, 1798, to Gibbon, in answer to
tbe historian's inqniries, informs the latter that from Dr. NioolPs book it
appears he was entered at Westminster School in the second form in hnwry,
1748 (O.S.), his age being noticed as nine years. As Gibbon was bom in 1737
(O.B.), he was then nearer eleven.
' See Mr. Fraser Bae*s letters in the London Athmusum, Noe. 3520, 3523.
VAUD, BEBNE, AKD SAVOY 265
was not makmg satisfactory progress becanse of his preceptor's
frequent absences, took him to Oxford, where he was matri-
culated as a gentleman-commoner of Magdalen College, April 4,
1762.»
His love of indiscriminate reading, indulged daring his
long illnesses, now gave way to devoted historic studies, proving
the bent of his mind. His first introduction to the theme of
which he became the master was, however, in the summer of
1751, before he went to Oxford; when he accompanied his
father to the residence of Mr. Hoare in Wiltshire, and found in
the library the * Continuation of Echard's Boman History.' The
story of his historic experiences at this time is charmingly told
in his * Memoirs.'
At the University Gibbon occupied an apartment which he
describes as 'three elegant and well-furnished rooms in the new
bnilding, a stately pile, of Magdalen College.' My attempts
many years ago to identify these rooms proved unsuccessful.
In the course of my investigations I received from Lady
Williams Wynn a communication dated November 18, 1881,
from the late Dr. Bloxam, for many years librarian and bursar
of Magdalen, to Canon B. Trevor Owen, P.S.A., general secre-
taiy of the Cambrian Archaeological Association, in reply to a
question which the latter had asked in my behalf.
'There is no tradition at Magdalen College,' said Dr.
Bloxam, ^ as to the exact set of rooms in the New Buildings
which were occupied by Gibbon ; but in Dean Milman's last
edition of "Gibbon's Autobiography" there are a few notes
respecting him at Magdalen, given by Dr. Bouth. Some of
the anecdotes I have heard the latter mention, but I do not
find a record that Gibbon dressed in black, and was always late
at dinner.' I have before me Dean Milman's letter to Dr.
RoQth requesting information respecting Gibbon.^ After Lord
Sheffield had published his books, he offered a copy to the Pre-
sident and Fellows for their Library, which they refused, though
' Gibbon says, April 8. Entry in Foster's Alumni Oxonimses : * Gibbon,
Edward, s. Edward, of Benton, Hants, armiger, Magdalen College, matric.
(subs. 4 April) 1752, aged 14.' The author has constantly had occasion to
appreciate the valae of Mr. Foster's learned record of Oxford graduates.
* This seems in carious contrast to his rigid ponctnality later in life.
* Dr. Bonth was president of Magdalen College from 1791 to 1855, and was
nearly one hundred years old when he died.
266 HISTOBIC STUDIES IK
they afterwards purchased them ; for ihey were jastiy irate
against him (Gibbon) for his attack npon the College. How-
ever, after they were aware of this attack, one of the Fellowa
met Gibbon in Oxford, and good-humonredly asked him to dine,
saying " We wDl not bum you." Gibbon, however, decliDed,
as he said he was obliged to be in London at a certain time.'
My farther researches led, in 1891, to a correspondence m^
Mr. Thomas Herbert Warren, President of Magdalen, at wliose
suggestion a college meeting was held and the books investi-
gated, but without result. It is a misfortune that Gibbons
rooms cannot be identified ; and this fact suggests the advantage
of placing the name, with an appropriate inscription, above the
door of each suite known to have been occupied by an eminent
character — for instance, over that so long the abode of Charles
Beade.
Gibbon says: 'I spent fourteen months at Magdalen
College ; they proved the fourteen months the most idle and
unprofitable of my whole life.' It seems probable that Gibbon,
in this judgment of Magdalen, was unconscioosly influenced bj
personal pique, from the fact that he was unable to return to
its walls ; and also perhaps by a certain desire to show that he
did not owe his acquirements and learning to that great instito-
tion, but to his own efforts — ^although he acknowledged that
Lausanne was his intellectual parent. Certainly, if he were
alive to-day, and could examine the state of learning at Ma^
dalen, he would admit that this great foundation is capable of
developing the highest order of intellect.
That Gibbon was not always rapid in the acquirement of
knowledge is proved by the statement of John Byrom (1691-
1763), a graduate of the University of Cambridge, who
invented and patented the Universal English Shorthand. AmGBg
his pupils were Horace Walpole and Gibbon, and Byrom eom-
plains in his journal that ' Gibbon is so slow.'*
1 Henry Pitman, in the PhoneHe Journal, November 3a, 1878.
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 267
CHAPTER CXXIV
From hh childhood Gibbon had been fond of religions dispnta-
tions* At sixteen, to use his expression, he ' bewildered himself
in the errors of the Ghnrch of Borne ; ' and on June 8, 1753, he
was admitted into that communion. This so enraged his father,
w^ho conld not understand his son giving up the Established
Church, that he divulged the secret, and, as Gibbon informs us,
^ the gates of Magdalen College were for ever shut against my
return.' ^
His father now took him to Putney, to his friend Mr.
Mallet, ' whose deistical, if not atheistical, views did more harm
than good.' After much debate it was determined from the
advice and personal experience of Mr. Eliot, afterwards Lord
Eliot, to fix him during some years at Lausanne.
It is not known when the Gibbon-Eliot friendship began,
but in 1753, Mr. Gibbon, senior, strongly advised Mr. Eliot to
marry a young lady in whom he was interested. Miss Catherine
EUiston (a cousin of our historian), who became Mrs. Eliot
September 25, 1756. The advice as to sending Edward to
LaoBanne was given in the same year as the suggestion of
marriage, so the intimacy must have been very close. Mr.
Eliot had remained some time at Lausanne under the guidance
of the Bev. Walter Harte, the historian of ' Gustavus Adolphus '
— ^a book which, it is said, even Macaulay could not read.
Philip Stanhope, to whom Lord Chesterfield's Letters were
addressed, accompanied them, being at that time about
fifteen.'
* There eziats, however, in the Bodleian Library, an nnpublished mann-
Bcript letter, communicated to me by Mr. George Parker, from Dr. J. B. Bloxam
to Oeneral Bigand, dated Seeding Mory, March 28, 1878, in which Dr. Bloxam
takes another view oi the matter : * I have been reading over again attentively
Hurdiss's Vindication, with Gibbon*B autobiography. My impression is that
Gibbon was not only not formally expelled from college on account of his
becoming a Bomanist, bnt that the college was entirely ignorant of that fact,
until after he had ceased to be a member of the Ghnrch of Bome. For, thongh
his name as resident disappeared from the Batta7 books on July 4, 1758, abont
a month after his conversion, yet his caution money was not returned nntil
1755. An account of bis second tutor (whose name is omitted both by Gibbon
and HnrdisB, but was told to me by the late president) is given in the sheet of
demies now at press.'
« I«etter of the Earl of St. Germans to the author, from his seat, Port
Eliot, January 4, 1880. Lord Carnarvon, in his edition of Lord Chesterfield'M
26d HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
Young Stanhope was a natural son of Lord Chesterfield, by
a French lady, Madame de Bonchet, whom he met in Holland
while British Ambassador there. Lord Chesterfield was tenderly
attached to this son and writes to him in all sincerity: ' From
the first day of yonr life the dearest object of mine has been to
make yon as perfect as the weakness of human nattire will
allow.'
Philip Stanhope bore a reputation for manners the reverse
of Chesterfieldian ; and the Duchess of Cleveland tells me a story
related by her father (the fourth Earl Stanhope) concerning him.
One day at dinner, he was eating syllabub so greedily that his
face was covered with the whipped cream, and Lord Chesterfield,
turning to the servant behind his chair, said gravely, ' Bring a
basin and towel ; do you not see that your master wishes to
shave?'
Nevertheless Philip Stanhope became a learned and skilfiil
diplomatist, for which profession his father especially educated
him. He died while Ambassador Extraordinary to the Conrt of
Dresden, in 1768, when scarcely thirty-six years of age.
Li the course of this correspondence Lord Chesterfield
remarks : ' I have often said, and do think, that a Frenchman
who with a fund of virtue, learning, and good sense, has the
manners and good-breeding of his country, is the perfection of
human nature.*
In connection with these references to Lord Chesterfield's
son, it is interesting to remember that Deyverdun became after-
wards the governor of Lord Chesterfield's heir, successor, and
kinsman, another Philip Stanhope ; and that Gibbon, writing to
Mr. Holroyd from Port Eliot, September 10, 1773, said: *I
forgot to tell yon that I have declined the publication of Ix>Td
Chesterfield's Letters. The public will see them, and upon the
whole, I think, with pleasure ; but the family were strongly
bent against it; and, especially on Deyverdun's account, I
deem it more prudent to avoid making them my personal
enemies.'
Letters to hie Qodeon^ which ahonld not be oonf onnded with those to his soOt
says : * It is right to remember that, at the end of the eighteenth oentmy. boys
often went to school and ooUege, and were introduced to the world earlier tbAO
is now the oastom.' The same was true in a greater measure of the middle of
that century.
VAUD, BBRNE. AND SAVOY 269
To retam to Mr. Eliot (Gibbon's cousin by marriage and
parliamentary godfather), he represented Cornwall in Parliament
for many years, and was buried on the same day as his wife, in
1804. His mother, Harriot, was a daughter of the Right Hon.
James Graggs, Postmaster-General. Edward Eliot, his uncle,
married, first, Susan, daughter of Sir W. Coryton, by whom he
left no issue ; and secondly, Elizabeth, sister and co-heiress of
the aforesaid Right Hon. James Craggs. She and her two
sisters left a considerable part of their fortune to Edward, first
Lord Eliot, who was her nephew by marriage, and great-nephew
also. He took the name of Graggs, and after his elevation to
the peerage signed Craggs-Eliot. He added to Port Eliot,
and improved the place in many respects.^
The Eliot famUy is of very ancient descent in Devon and
ComwalL One of its most illustrious members was Sir John
Eliot, the great statesman and patriot.
There seem to be no Porten representatives now existing.
Lord Acton is a relative of Gibbon, as is also Sir William
Throckmorton through the Actons.
'Edward Eliot was a pall-bearer at Sir Joshua Reynolds'
fbneral, and told Dr. Johnson of Defoe's imaginary ' life of
Colonel Carlton,' with which the Doctor was charmed, remark-
ing he did not think a young lord could have told him of a book
he did not know — alluding to the peerage, not to the age of the
holder thereof. In his young days, Sir C. Hanbury Williams,
and likewise Lord Chesterfield, highly praised his manners, so
Lausanne may not have been so bad as he says.'
The followiug extracts are from unpublished letters addressed
by Edward Eliot, &om Lausanne, to his father, Richard Eliot,
Esq., which were in a packet of about twenty (unpublished)
letters written by him during his tour through Holland, Prussia,
* He had three sons, the eldest of whom married Lady Harriet Pitt, and,
dying before hie father, left a daughter. His third son, William, eventually
sacceeded to the title, and, marrying the fourth daughter of the first Marquis of
Stafford, was the father of the third Earl, a distinguished statesman, who held
many high offices, among them that of Lord-Lieutenant of Lreland; and
espousing the third daughter and co-heiress of the second Marquis of Ck>m-
wallis by his wife, the daughter and co-heiress of the fourth Duke of Gk)rdon,
was the father of Henry Corn wallis Eliot, fifth and present Earl of St. Germans
(a representative of the Gibbons In the female line), to whom I am indebted for
much interesting information.
' Letter of the £arl of St. Germans to the author.
270 mSTOBIG STUDIES HI
and Switzerland, 1744-47,^ and which give an interesting view
of Lausanne society a short time before Gibbon's arriyal there.
Lanmme, Deoember 9, 1746.
' Yon have divined oar sentiments pretty justly conconung
Lausanne ; that we are not dotingly fond of it is true enouf^li.
Yet we have not found the least fault with the Ladies (I have
not at least) who join with the Oentlemen in making the place
as agreeable as it can be made, which is the character I shall
ever give of the inhabitants of Lausanne.
' The Dancing Master here is a wretched one. The Riding
Master not much better. Besides, as a good many GermaoB
learn of him, I should be obliged to be at the Riding School
two or three hours every morning, which would hinder me irom
going on with any thing else here, where the people dine so
early. I really think, therefore, my learning to dance or ride
would be loss of time and money, especially as my bad bows are
not greatly taken notice of here.
' I am resolved while I stay here to go through the chief
part of the difficult dry studies that are to be learnt beet abroad,
since I cannot learn manners.'
Octobers
^ There is a good deal of company in this place who are
vastly civil to us and talk French perfectly well, but upon the
whole this certainly is not the place in the world to learn
> The Earl of St. Oermans has a similar namber, onpuUished, from
Biohard Eliot, in England, to his son Edward ; also ten letters from the Ber.
Walter Harte, between 1746 and 1752, from Lausanne and Leipsie ; six letters
from Lord Chesterfield to Edward Eliot, 1740 to 1748 ; four letters from
Edward Gibbon of Borlton, father of the historian, to his nephew-in-Iaw,
Edward Eliot— two dated 1758, and the others 1767 ; se^en letters from
Edward Gibbon to Edward Eliot — yis. let, from London, May SI, 1775, sboot
the American Bebellion ; 2nd, from Bentinok Street, Jane 20, 1779, defence of
his parliamentary conduct ; 8rd, from Bentinck Street, September 8, 1780,
unless he gets a seat in Parliament (then about to be dissolTed) he cannot
remain on the Board of Trade ; 4th, from Bentinck Street, August 11, 17B0,
defence of his parliamentary conduct ; 5th, from Bentinck Street, Febmaiy 24.
1781, sends vols. 11. and iii. of his History ; 6th, from Lausanne, October 27.
1784, commends Lord Eliot, comments on his own retirement from London
and his quiet at Lausanne ; 7th, from Sheffield Place, July 18, 1788, a friendly
letter on leaving London, had not seen Lord Eliot during a year's residenoe in
England. Of these letters Nos. 2 and 4 are particularly interesting, because
Gibbon's parliamentary career is barely touched in his autobiography. —
Meports of the Royal Historical MSS, Commission, i. 41, 42, published in 1870.
VAUD. BEKNE, AKD SAVOY 271
politeness and to improve very much in address, behaviour, &c.
They teach the Jas Publicum here to Perfection.
* We give fpr our Board and Lodgings each five guineas a
month and find our breakfasts and wood.
' The Dancing Master has 6 shillings a month, the Fencing
Master the same. The Riding Master has 3 guineas the first
month and two afterwards.'
Janaary 17, 1747.
* If you talk politics with any Foreigner that has the least
pretension to knowledge, he tells you that it is the indisputable
interest of England to keep up the balance of power and distress
France as much as possible in every manner that we can and at
any rate. Should such a one be told by any of us English that
there is in our country a set of OerUlemen whose opinion is that
we should have nothing to do ivith the Oontinentj with all his
politeness and command of himself he would scarce re&ain
knghing in our facee and crying out : " Voua vons moquez de
moi, Monsieur."'
Febnxary 7.
'This place I do really think is not the properest in the
world to form a young man that is past a certain age, either as
to his person or behaviour. I am persuaded that Mr. Stanhope
will not stay here a vast while. However, it is a place that
answers my present ends perfectly well.* -
Febraary 20.
* I hitherto rub on mighty well ; my little German apothe-
cary and I agree to perfection, notwithstanding which I now
and then wish for a better master. I often think what Soger
would say of his Brother Doctor, could he peep in to see him
giving me a lesson of a wet or snowy day. First of all he has
the drollest face in the world and is very little. He is equipped
with an old pair of Jack Boots, a large black solitaire, an
immense tail to his wig which he often sits upon, a prodigious
mufi^ made of Bear skin with the bristles on^ which covers his
hands up to his elbows and his body almost from his chin to his
kneepan. Add to all this a long sword with a vast brazen
hilt, venerable for its rust and antiquity.' ^
' Extracts enclosed in the preceding letter to the author from the Earl of
St. Qermans.
272 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
These slight glimpses at Lausanne, six or seven yean
before Gibbon's first residence there, 'throw some light upon the
scene, and indicate that it was then a favourite edncational
resort for English people of rank, as it had long been ibr
personages of distinction of other nationalities.
Mr., afterwards Lord, Eliot's final favourable opinion of the
place was embodied in his advice to Gibbon's father to send the
boy there. Under the care of Mr. Frey,' of Basle, Gibbon left
London, June 19, 1753, and travelling vid Dover, GalaiB, St.
Quentin, Reims, Langres, and Besangon, arrired on the SOtli at
Lausanne, where he was delivered into the hands of the Calvinist
Minister, Daniel Pavilliard.
CHAPTER CXXV
What manner of man was this reverend gentleman, who was to
become such an important factor in Gibbon's intellectual and
spiritual life, and who mast not be confounded with another
Protestant pastor named Pavilliard, whose Christian name was
Joseph ?
Daniel Pavilliard sprang firom an ancient family of Advoyers,
of Freiburg, one of whose daughters had married, in the fifteenth
century, a Deyverdun, ancestor of Gibbon's most intimate friend.'
Daniel was bom in 1704, in the venerable village of Orny,
parish of La Sarraz, Canton of Yaud, where there was formerly
a Roman settlement. He possessed the bourgeoisie of his native
place, and enjoyed the advantages of a liberal education.
The Journal HelvitiqiLe, at the time of his death, said
that he was ordained in 1728; but M. Vuilleumier, Doctor of
Divinity and Professor of the University of Lausanne, in a
letter to me in 1879, states that M. Pavilliard, having fi^uented
the Academy of Lausanne and followed with success the lectures
of beUeS'ieUres, philosophy, and theology, was consecrated to the
holy ministry in 1729. Like many young ministers of that
' The author has a contemporary silhoaette of Mr. Frej.
' MS. pedigree discovered in La Qrotte by the author and completed bj
him from other original sources.
VAUD, BERNK, AND SAVOY 278
time^ he did not enter immediately into the service of the
Charchy bnt devoted himself to teaching. He was first attached
in the quality of governor to the yonng Count of Lippe-
Detmold, and to the Prince of Nassan-Weilburg, daring their
prolonged stay at Lausanne.^
It was not until 1748 that M. Pavilliard entered upon his
career as a pastor. At that time he became second deacon or
fourth pastor of Lausanne, replacing Pastor Dumaine, deceased;
and in 1754 attained to the rank of first deacon or third minister,
which post he occupied until 1765.
Tradition has not preserved any account of his qualities as a
preacher. He was remarked for his zeal and talent in religious
instruction of the young, and for the sweetness of his character.
When a delicate matter was to be arranged his colleagues con-
fided it to him. He also distinguished himself by the breadth
of his Christianity and his tolerance towards the mystics then
in Lausanne, on whom the superior authorities looked with
suspicion. While devoutly discharging his pastoral duties, he
seems to have looked forward to an academical position. Already
in 1747, when Mr. Eliot and Mr. Stanhope left Lausanne, after
the departure of his pnpil, the Count of Lippe-Detmold, M. Pavil-
liard sought and obtained the title of Honorary Professor of
Civil History, and for some time acted as secretary and librarian of
the Academy. Li 1758 he was authorised to deliver gratuitously
two public lectures each week on historical subjects. He began
his course by an inaugural address on the necessity and useful-
ness of history. These are interesting facts concerning Gibbon's
preceptor. In 1751 and 1761 he was an unsuccessful candidate
for one of the two chairs of theology, but in 1765 he was appointed
' The yoong Prince travelled as Baron de Bosenthal, and while residing
with M. PftYiUitifd was present at an entertainment, Jane 23, 1747, given by
Their Excellencies at Berne, variously said to be in honour of young Stanhope,
of the Count of Lippe-Detmold, or even of the Prince. A letter of next day,
from M. S. Engel to the great Professor Haller, at Gdttingen, says : ' Last even-
ing a znskgnificent ball was given by Their Excellencies to Mylord Stanhope, at
the Hdtal de Ville, where there were more than twenty mirrors, a hundred
lustres, and 250 candles.' In addition to this letter M. Charles de Steiguer,
of Berne, sent me in 1880 manuscript letters of M. Charles Duvtd de
/a Pottrie (son-in-law of the Burgomaster de Seigneux), showing that the
Prince was a few years later under his care. Mme. Lucie Olivier, fiee de
Larrey, vrrites that the chateau of the de la Pottrie family. Gibbon's friends
(already described. Chap. LXIY.), was then the resort of all the aristocratic
society of Lausanne.
VOL.. n. r
274 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
hj the Oovemment ProfeBsor of Latin Eloquence and Ancient
History. This made him eaH)ffieio Principal of the college.
He now quitted the active duties of a Pastor, and in April
1766 inaugurated his new office with a discourse on the parallel
between private educatiou and public education, and the means
of correcting the defects of the latter. The same year he was
elected President of the Academy, a dignity he retained three
years. He died in February 1775, aged seventy-one.
M. Pavilliard, according to his pupils, was a distinguished
scholar, and had a wide knowledge of languages and of histoij.
His attainments were sure and precise ; but his hand was not
sufficiently firm, and discipline languished under his direction.
He understood better how to gain the affection of his pupils
than to acquire their respect.^
Professor Vuilleumier wrote to me, October 1, 1879:
' Pavilliard was Pastor of the Bannidre, or quarter of the
Cit6. It is therefore probable that he inhabited one of the two
parsonages of the Cit6, one of which was situated in the rear of
the Cit6 and belongs to-day to a private individual ; the other,
recently demolished, was at the top of the Escalier des Grandes
Boches, by the side of the old Hospital, now an Industrial School
M. Pavilliard could not be called a Pastor of the Cathedral, for
the Pastors of Lausanne, although named each to a certain
quarter for their pastoral functions — such as the care of the
poor, visiting the sick, instruction in the catechism and inspec-
tion of Primary Schools — were not then, and never have been,
attached to any particular church as preachers. like all his
colleagues, M. Pavilliard preached in his turn in the thic^
different Temples of the town.*
At the bottom of the rue St. Etienne is the site of the
Pavilliard house, long an open space, now occupied by build-
ings. It looks out upon a small street in which, close by, used
to be the Porte St. Etienne, where the Bailiff, and earlier the
Bishop, formerly took the oath. It is on a kind of terrace next
' Professor Vuilleumier to the author, October 6, 1879.— • M. Jules Piccard.
CommiBsary-Oeneral, Lausanne, to the author, March 19. 1880, from i«8eftrcb«
made m the archives of the Synode de TEglise Nationale. M. Piocard alters i
^**®,?: *Fo'««aor VuiUeumier and says that it was not untU June 12, 1749, tbit
Pavilliard became Fourth Pastor, but the Prof esBor has since pointed out tontf
/aots proving that it was in 1748.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 276
to the parsonage of the German Chnrch. The groand is uneven,
and commands a view of the town and the Place de la Palnd.
At one end I observed a dilapidated pavilion, which might have
been a sammer-house in Favilliard's time. From behind the
gardens one conld look across to the spire of St. Francis, and
down into what was formerly a ravine with gardens. ^
Professor Vuilleumier in a later letter (March 18, 1880)
says:
' I am now able to fix precisely the residence of M. Pavil-
liard, and consequently of Gibbon. Pavilliard was named First
Deacon or Third Pastor in 1754. Now the cure of the First
Deacon was that called '' de la Cit^ dessous," that is to say, the
one inhabited recently by Pastors Manuel and Fabre, which
was demolished a few years ago to give more light and air to
the Cantonal Hospital — to-day the Cantonal Industrial School.
I found this information relative to the different presbyteries
in examining the other day a folio containing a copy of
numerous acts and documents of the ancient Council of the
Town.*
The learned M. Vuilleumier is undoubtedly correct in saying
that Gibbon resided with M. Pavilliard in the house of the First
Deacon in 1754.
Of this, M. Jules Piccard, Commissary-General, made for
me in 1880 two tracings — one from the map of 1723, the other
from that of 1830 — showing the position of the house in which
Gibbon lived during the greater part of his time with the Pavil-
iiards, and which disappeared a few years since. If the window
of Gibbon's room, says M. Piccard, was upon the side marked A
in the plan of 1723, it had a cold aspect, looking towards the
north upon the Place St. Etienne, and extremely restricted
owing to the fact of M. Pavilliard's house being at the bottom
of a narrow court, formed by the encroachment, on one side, of
the house of M. de Loys de Mamand, and on the other, by the
walls of the Arsenal. If his window looked out upon the garden
of the parsonage towards the west (B), the view was not dis-
agreeable, though limited. The same would apply to the rooms
looking towards the east (C), except that they would be still
1 The anthoT visited the Ch&ieau and the CltS with M. Piooard,Commia8ary.
General, TjaqBannft, November 22, 1881.
T 2
276 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
more agreeable ; and if to the sonthy he wonld hare a M view
of the city below, with the lake and the monntains of Savoy.
Gibbon's Bocond residence with M. Pavilliard was un-
doubtedly in the ancient parsonage^ which stood next to the
Indostrial School, then the Cantonal Hospital, feeing on the
west side the houses still standing on the narrow passage called
TEscalier des Grandes Boches, on the other the narrow streH
la Mercerie.
I agree with M. Lonis Carrard in the opinion he expressed
to me in 1879, that M. Pavilliard, when Gibbon first arrived at
Lausanne (1758), was living in the Cit6 ; and that he dwelt in
the old parsonage, rue de la Cit6 derridre, opposite the me
de I'Acad^mie — since the property of M. Deglon, bookbinder,
and now a police-station. This edifice has long vaulted cor-
ridors, and in the rear wide galleries, with pillars, commanding
a view of the lake. The illustration reproduces exactly the
latter features.
In a letter to me, so late as December 27, 1894, Professor
Yuilleumier says :
' The house in question, formerly the parsonage of one of
the four pastors of the town who was specially charged with the
quarter of the Cit6, belongs to-day to the Commune of Lausanne
represented by the municipality. This mansion is in them
Cit6 derridre, and bears the number 17. The police-station of
this quarter was established here a few years ago, and this hss
somewhat changed the fa9ade. The front is turned towards the
west and faces the Academical buildings and the rae de
TAcad^mie. The building has better preserved its original
aspect on the rear whidi faces the east and dominates a little
garden, from whence there is a view upon the Alps beyond the
ravine of the Flon and the heights to the south-east of the
city. Seen from the Route Neuve, the house is not wanting in
picturesqueness, with its two galleries of three arcades each,
and its great roof in the ancient style.'
In connection with this residence, it is interesting to learn
that Mme. Bugnion, nSe Levade (grandmother of M. Carrard),
who died about 1830 at the age of ninety-one, related to her
grandchildren that she attended the catechism taught by
M. Pavilliard, and that Gibbon was present. The ordinary age
1 ] ! i
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 277
of admission for snob instruction was from fourteen to sixteen.
Mme. Bngnion was the sister of M. Bugnion, of London, who
resided for a time in La Grotte, and was the intimate friend of
Deyverdnn.
There is something unconsciously pathetic in the picture
Gibbon has given us of the beginning of his life at Lausanne.
Through the rigid rules imposed by parental authority, he had
ceased to be an independent agent. His expenditures were
reduced to the most diminutive form^, and his small monthly
amount of pocket-money was doled out by M. Pavilliard. He
had too but a smattering of French, and could neither ask a
question nor understand what was said. At first he seems to
have had some intercourse with his young countrymen receiving
instruction at Lausanne, but this resource shortly failed, and he
found himself in much solitude and confined to the family circle.
Mme. Pavilliard was sordid and grasping, and without any idea
of comfort or refinement. Pavilliard himself seems to have
possessed many generous qualities, and he gradually won the
enduring regard of his pupil, who says in his Memoirs :
' My obligations to the lessons of M. Pavilliard gratitude
will not suffer me to forget. He was endowed with a clear head
and a warm heart; his innate benevolence had assuaged the
spirit of the Church ; he was rational because he was moderate.
In the course of his studies he had acquired a just though
superficial knowledge of most branches of literature ; by long
practice he was skilled in the arts of teaching ; and he laboured
with assiduous patience to know the character, gain the affection,
and open the mind of his English, pupil. As soon as we began
to understand each other, he gently led me from a blind and
undifittirLguishing love of reading into the path of instruction.' ^
It was now that Gibbon came upon the book which, as he
> M, Pavilliard had a brother, N. K. Pavilliard, of great ability, and especi-
ally versed in mathematics. He died of brain fever in the flower of his youth.
While travellixig with an English nobleman he was walking on the ramparts at
Alessandria, Piedmont, and sketched the plan of a redoubt. Mistaken for a
spy, he was brought before the Governor of the place, who wished to hang
him. He was made to understand that the youth was entirely unacquainted
with military regulations, but young Pavilliard shortly afterwards succumbed
to chagrin and illness, caused by this miserable affair. The incident is related
in an nnpublished manuscript volume, entitled, MatSriaux pour une Mstoire
litieraire de VAccuLrmie de Lausanne et du Canton de Vaud, 1829 (by the
Doyen Bridel), now in the Cantonal Library of Lausanne, where I consulted it.
278 msTORic studies in
says, oontribnted most efiectually to his education, and had
much to do with his re-acceptance of Protestantism. This was
a system of Logic which had great vogue in the last centoiy,
and its author was the philosopher Jean Pierre de Cronsaz, the
opponent of Bayle and Pope, to whom Voltaire wrote from Paris,
June 6, 1741 :
^ Since your philosophy consists in loving and encouraging
all kinds of literature, I have the honour to send you, together
with a thick volume on Natural Philosophy, the best edition
which has been made of my poem on the Battle of Fontenoy.
You will see, sir, in this poem what justice I render to ;oar
compatriots. You increase greatly the esteem I have always
had for this honourable nation. May yon, sir, long continne to
be its ornament and its glory ! You have made of Lausanne Ae
temple of the Muses, and you have more than once caused me
to say that if I had been able to leave France I would have
withdrawn to Lausanne.' ^
We thus see that the same intellect that moved Gibbon had
already influenced Voltaire, and it appears important to make
here a little excursion into the later history of the de Crousaz
family, which, as we have seen, is one of the most ancient and
influential among the noble houses of the Pays de Vaud.' It
was already rich and flourishing at Chexbres in the tenth
century, possessing that seigoioiy and others like GleyroUes,
and allied to the first families of the country. At the Beformsr
tion one branch remaining Catholic established itself in Savoy,
where it soon died out. The Protestant branch remained at
Chexbres, and later, removing to Silesia, became Prussian sub-
jects, whose descendants still flourish.
The philosopher de Crousaz was the son of Colonel Abntham.
^ VoUairB d Femey: Letires rtctieillies et pubKSespar MM, Bfx^te Baoovx
et A. F. BooBseaa wrote to Voltaire, Angust 18, 1756 : * With regard to M. ^
Crousaz, I have not read his work against Pope, and am not perhaps in a state
to hear it ; but it is quite certain that I will not cede to him what I hsv^
disputed with you, and that I have as little faith in his proofs as in liis
authority.'
* See Vol. L Chaps. XXVII. XLV. LYI.—Arms of deCronaaz : Unecoloail»
d'argent dans un champ de Gueoles. Pour supports : Deux Qriffons. Ao-
dessus du casque pour cimier, nn Griffon issant d'une oouronne. Devise : Det
nobis virtus finem. The ancient burial-place of the de Croosas is in thepan^
church of St. Saphorin, between the high altar aud the side-ohapel belongiBg
to the family.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 279
Beigmor of M^zery, by his wife Elizabeth Francois. Bom in
1663, he had at fifteen years of age already a wide acquaintance
with mathematics and philosophy. He studied theology at
Lansanne, Greneya, Leyden, and Paris. At Paris he made the
acquaintance of Bayle and Malebranche, mth whom be always
remained upon terms of intimacy. On his return to his native
city he was appointed honorary professor, and in 1699 obtained
the chair of philosophy, to which was joined later that of
mathematics. He was four times rector of the Academy, and
in 1724 became professor of mathematics and physics in the
University of Groningen, but resigned two years afterwards to
undertake the education of Prince Frederick of Hesse-Cassel.
Shortly afterwards he received from the King of Sweden the title
of Councillor of Embassy, and was elected Foreign Associate of
the French Academy of Sciences. Betummg to Lausanne in
1735, he resumed his old professorship. After the year 1744
he devoted himself exclusively to religious subjects and to com-
bating incredulity, deism, and the various forms of spiritual
unbelief. He wrote at this period a remarkable unpublished
letter to Voltaire, in which he declares his faith in Christianity,
and sets forth its joys and consolations.^ He died in 1750,
three years before Gibbon's arrival.
There is a fine portrait of him in the possession of M. Aymon
de Crousaz, the learned archivist of Lausanne. A white curling
wig surmounts a long, oval, rich-complexioned face. An aquiline
nose, dark eyes and eyebrows, and a look of reflection are the
distinguishing features. I have seen another portrait of the
philosopher by Guillebaud, in which he is represented in his
academical robes, but here he is dressed in a maroon velvet coat
embroidered with gold, and wears lace ruffles and a blue mantle.
In both cases the family arms figure in the picture.
His great-grandnephew, Benjamin de Crousaz (1745-1775),
one of Gibbon's friends, was the first husband of Mile. Elizabeth
(otherwise known as Isabelle), daughter of the Doyen Poller de
Bottens, who assisted in the re-admission of Gibbon to the Pro-
testant communion. Isabelle subsequently married the Baron
de Montolieu, and under this name became distinguished in
' Author's MS. eoUeotions. Letter of four folio pages from de Crousaz to
Voltaire.
280 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
literature. She was the author of various novels and traiisl&-
tions from the English and Grennan. Deyverdun and Gibbon
were the godfathers of her romance, ' Caroline de lichtfieli*
I possess a water-colour by her son, M. Henri de Groosaz,
representing an embrasure in the Castle of Vufflens, with the
lake and the mountains beyond, designed as an illustration of
his mother's ^ Ch&teauz Suisses.'
Towards the end of June 1754 Gibbon became the pupil of
M. de Loys de Treytorrens, the successor of M. Kerre de
Crousaz as professor of theology. He also thought of following
the lectures of M. Vicat, professor of law, a fnend of Deyverdnn,
who had succeeded M. de Leys de Bochat in 1741 ; ' but instead
of attending his public or private course * — the historian says—
^ I preferred in my closet the lessons of his masters, and my own
reason.'
CHAPTER CXXVI
When Gibbon had rendered himself master of de Cronsaz's
Logic he tried it upon his Catholic opinions, and Pavilliard
lent all the powers of his persuasion. Gibbon says :
' I have some of the latter's letters in which he celebrated
the dexterity of his attack, and my gradual concessions, after a
firm and well-managed defence. I was willing, and I am now
willing, to allow him a handsome share of the honour of my
conversion ; yet I must observe, that it was prindpally effected
by my private reflections ; and I still remember my solitar)'
transport at the discovery of a philosophical argument against
the doctrine of transubstantiation : that the text of scripture,
which seems to inculcate the real presence is attested only bv a
single sense — our sight ; while the real presence itself is dis-
proved by three of our senses — ^the sight, the touch, and tiie
taste. The various articles of the Romish creed disappeared
like a dream; and after a full conviction, on Christmas-day 1754
I received the sacrament in the church of Lausanne. It was
here that I suspended my religious inquiries, acquiescing with
implicit belief in the tenets and mysteries which are adopted by
the general consent of Catholics and Protestants.'
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 281
This aoconnt, written six years before his death, clearly sets
fortib his religions position at the time of his conversion. There
is a snggestioii of the renewal of his religions feelings towards
the close of his life in a remarkable statement made by the
Doyen Bridel to M. Bailly de Lalonde. M. Bridel, who was
an intimate Mend of George Deyrerdnn and frequently admitted
to Gibbon's table, said : ^ Gibbon at his repasts never spoke
against religion, notwithstanding the warmth of his philosophi-
cal principles. Towards the end of his days, he even appeared
very repentant of his attacks directed against Christianity,
and wished that he had never written against Revelation.'
^ M. Bridel,' continues M. de Lalonde, ' is persuaded that he died
with religions sentiments ; but another Yaudoisan UttSrateur,
equally acquainted with Gibbon, seemed to me not to agree with
this opinion of his compatriot.' '
Bridel's statement seems to be strengthened by a letter of
Gibbon, of June 30, 1788, to his aunt Hester, wherein he says:
' I am now preparing, by a last visit to Lord and Lady
SheflBeld, for my departure to the Continent, and I propose being
at Lausanne before the end of next month. I feel as I ought
your kind anxiety at my leaving England, but you will not dis-
approve my chusing the place most agreeable to my circum-
stances and temper, and I need not remind you that all coun-
tries are under the care of the same providence. Your good
wishes and advice will not, I trust, be thrown away on a barren
soil ; and whatever you may have been told of my opinions, I
can assure you with truth, that I consider Religion as the best
guide of youth and the best support of old age ; that I firmly
believe there is less real happiness in the business and pleasures
of the World, than in the life which you have chosen of devotion
and retirement.'^
This letter was recently presented to the British Museum by
a connection of William Law, author of the * Serious Call,' of
whom Gibbon speaks with esteem, while regarding him as an
enthasiast. It was suggested by the London Times^ Novem-
ber 12, 1894, in a very interesting article, that this letter repre-
' Z#e Lhnan, ou Voyage pittaresquet historique ei lUUraire d OevUvs et dana
le Canton de Vaud, par M. BaiUy de Lalonde (Paris, 1856), i. 285.
' A portion of the last sentence of this letter was pablished in NoUs and
Queries, September 10, 1853.
282 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Bents no more than Gibbon's kindly indisposition to pain his
exceedingly pious aunt, and possibly a farther desire to please
the relative from whom he had expectations. With this suppo-
sition I cannot entirely concur, although truth induces me to
say that my own unhesitating belief in Christianity may lead
me to ascribe more faith to Gibbon than he really possessed;
and I will not deny that Gibbon's letter to Lord Sheffield,
January 24, 1784, lends colour to the view taken by the
Times ; for in speaking of Mrs. Hester Gibbon's assurances to
him that ^ nobody should be able to injure ' him with h^, the
historian says : ^ Unless the saint is an hypocrite, such an ex-
pression must convey a favourable and important meaning. At
all events, it is worth giving ourselves some trouble abont h^,
without indulging any sanguine expectations of inheritance.' ^
Moreover, the following unpublished letter to a beresred
friend certainly does not indicate religious faith on the part of
Gibbon under circumstances when its expression would hare
been very appropriate. It is addressed to M. Wilhelm de
Charridre de S6very (who was to Gibbon almost a son), on the
death of his father, in 1793 :
' I have at this moment, my dear Friend, returned from
BoUe, and returned only for you. Give me, if you please, news
of yourself, of your sorrowing family, and especially of yoor
mother, whose affliction I share from the bottom of my heart
I wish that I could walk about the streets of Lausanne witliout
support. But I ask of you the kindness to receive me in yonr
house towards three o'clock, and to permit me to remain there a
part of the evening. Your mother will be no more embarras^
by my presence than by her children's, we will lament in silence
near her, she will unbosom herself of the most reasonable of
griefs in the midst of friendship, and we will try to soften its
bitterness by recalling all the virtues of this excellent man who
has just been delivered from an insupportable burden. Adieu.
This 31st of January, a quarter to onfe o'clock.'*
The preceding letter is characteristic of Gibbon's kind heart.
He hastened from BoUe to console the bereaved family of M-
» MUe, Work*, ii. 846. The italics arc Gibbon's.
' From the original Frenoh, in the unpublished MS. eoUecUons of M-
William de Charri^re de S^very at the Ch&teau of Mcx.
VAUD, BERNE. AND SAVOY 288
de S^very, deceased, as later he undertook without hesitatioD
the journey to England, which cost him his life, to tender his
affectionate sympathy to Lord Sheffield on the loss of his wife.
In reading this letter, my friendly eye followed with eager-
ness word after word in the hope of finding something to indicate
Christian faith. There is, alas, nothing of the kind. But we
must not infer that Gibbon denied a future state. In a letter
written April 27, 1793 (less than a year before his death), to
his friend Lord Sheffield, on the death of Lady Sheffield, he
uses this significant and pathetic language : ' But she is now at
rest ; and if there be a future life, her mild virtues have surely
entitled her to the reward of pure and perfect felicity.'
' Fanny,' as he called Lausanne, was, from a material and
intellectual point of view, Gibbon's best friend. It is equaUy
true that his father was Gibbon's worst enemy so far as his
spiritual welfare was concerned. I mean that his father by his
stupidity dislocated his religious faith, and by his egotistical
opposition destroyed the chance of his marital felicity. In this
manner he gave two blows to the highest qualities of his son.
During Gibbon's infancy and in his earliest youth Gibbon's
mind was largely occupied by religious ideas. Not finding any
support in this direction from his father or his aunt Porten —
the latter an excellent woman, but wanting in sufficient know-
ledge to solve such questions— he sought in the Catholic Church
a refuge for his spiritual difficulties. One sees in his conversion
a sincere act of conscience. But what was the result ? His
father, irritated, almost enraged, by what he considered the
apostasy of his son — although he really had no religion himself
— precipitated matters by carrying him like a criminal to his
friend, Mr. Mallet, to decide upon his lot. Who was Mr.
Mallet ? He was the author of a * life of Bacon,' of little value,
of some poems and theatrical pieces now forgotten, and of the
pathetic ballad of ' William and Margaret.' His doctrines were
deistical, or even more sceptical.
What baleful men to preside over the religious destiny of a
man like Gibbon ! Here was a great mind which found itself
in the supreme crisis of its existence. It was a question of life
or death to the best germs of his soul.
Prom the beginning of his existence and during the first
284 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
years of his youth, there were prominent in Gibbon's character
two traits — in some sense antagonistic. His sonl aspired to ihe
purest and most religious things, while, on the other hand, his
physical tastes had a material tendency ; and the critical moment
of his life was that which was to determine the empire of the
one or the other.
Lookiug only at the material and social advantages of a
return to the Protestant religion, the father and his friend, in
their mighty wisdom, decided that the youth must be torn from
the faith he had gained, and that replaced by the rites of
another. By this badly conceived action his father permanently
repressed the religions enthusiasm of Gibbon. Mr. Eliot, later
Lord Eliot, advised sending his young relative to a Protestant
Minister at Lausanne, ¥rith instructions to turn him again to
the path of Protestantism. The youth, who before had lodged
at the University of Oxford with the luxury of a gentleman-
commoner, now found himself in a small Swiss town, b the
gloomiest quarter and in a comfortless house, without proper
means, and deprived through the avarice of the Pastor's wife of
some of the necessaries essential to such a nature.
My investigations at Lausanne, and documents there
gathered concerning this period of Gibbon's life, have shown me
that during the first eighteen months of his stay at Lausanne
he was exposed to rude trials, and almost deprived of the soaety
of his equals. During this time, the good M. Pavilliard used
all his efforts to persuade him that his material and eternal in-
terests were wrapped up in Protestantism.
Another chance to save the best dispositions of his character
presented itself shortly afterwards, in the person of Mademoiselle
Curchod, later Madame Necker. This young lady found herself
at Lausanne after the death of her father, the Pastor Carcbod,
obliged to give lessons to gain her livelihood. But in truth she
was so endowed with high qualities that she elevated her social
position instead of lowering it, and gained every day the esteem
of the most considerable persons around her. She had been
educated like a man destined to the career of science and letters,
and was well acquainted with ancient and modern languages ;
nor was her knowledge superficial. Notwithstanding almost
masculine gifls and a powerful bat well-directed will, she was
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 285
essentially feminine. She was very beautiful, very spiritueUey
but above all pcNSsessed a religious character.
This was the young lady that Gibbon encountered and loved
in the second critical moment of his life. What happy influence
might not this beloved woman have had over one who vitally
required at his side a pure nature to develop the best qualities
of his soul and to restrain his too material tastes ?
Gibbon has left a monument of his vast erudition ; literature
has gained a work written with a firm and able hand ; from all
points of view the most remarkable history in his epoch. If
Gibbon had married Mile. Ourohod he might have left the
world under a greater debt of gratitude. He might have aided
the weak to solve the^ir religious difficulties and to believe in
eternal life — ^that is to say, in Christianity. But his father, his
evil genius, once more intervened and destroyed the last chance
of preserving this brilliant mind to the services of faith, by
expressly forbidding the marriage.
In scrupulously studying the details of Gibbon's life, in
reading his intimate correspondence, in entering his house, in
seeing his devotion to his friends, in looking at his generosity
and his benevolence towards the poor, we attach ourselves to
him with warmth. I have had many intimate friends, and
Gibbon is one of those whose companionship I have most enjoyed.
It is no exaggeration to say that I have known him more
familiarly than any one now living. I have passed days, weeks
and months in his company, in the house where he lived, and in
the haunts most dear to his heart. I have learned to love him,
to rejoice over his great qualities, and to mourn over his short-
comings. He was very human, with frailties and weaknesses,
but he was very lovable to those who knew him best.
I have tried to investigate thoroughly Gibbon's career, and
to gauge his intellectual, physical, and spiritual merits and
defects. I must confess that I rise from my task with profound
sympathy and sincere regard. He was so great and yet so in-
complete. With vast attainments and a marvellous power of
work, he was warm, confiding, earnest in his friendships. No
sacrifice of time, comfort, money, health, was too great when a
suffering friend required his presence or his sympathy. Witness
his last fatal journey, undertaken, as we have seen, to console
286 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
Lord Sheffield for the loss of his wife — a sacrifice which seems
too costly when we remember that Lord Sheffield's mourning
lasted only one year, and that he married again once or twice.
I am the owner of a Bible which belonged to Gibbon, and
was kept at his bedside during his last residence at Lausanne
(1783-1793). It Is a large Family Bible, * printed by Charles
Bill, and the Executrix of Thomas Newoomb, deceas'd ; Printers
to the Queens most Excellent Majesty, MDCCIII.': with an
additional pictorial title of the following year. It contains a
book-plate with the Gibbon family arms, and the name, ' Edward
Gibbon, Esq.* In the lower right corner is engraved, * Hughes
fecit.' ^ After Gibbon's death this sacred volume passed to his
intimate friends the de Gerjat family, from whom it came to me
in 1879. Inserted in it are several pressed leaves and book-
marks, and several passages are marked with pencillings. With
regard to the former, I have no suggestions to make. The
pencil-markings are of two kinds. In one case a max^final
pencil line includes the first nine verses of Ecclesiasticos xxx. ;
and as the theme is the necessity of the rod, and of repressive
measures with children, one may conjecture that the father of
Gibbon may thereby have called the attention of his son to the
benign purposes of his own severity.
Two other pencil-marks in the form of a cross are made on
the eighth and twelfth verses of Ecclesiasticns xxi., which 1
strongly suspect to be by Gibbon's own hand ; my reasons being
the very striking character of the thoughts embodied :
' He that buildeth his house with other men's money, is lik^
one that gathereth himself stones for the tomb of his burial.'
' He that is not wise, will not be taught : but there is a
wisdom which multiplieth bitterness.'
As Gibbon's Bible, the one which he consulted in his latter
days, this is perhaps the most touching and interesting relic
which remains of this great man.
From a descendant of Dr. Scholl, the friend and physician
of Gibbon, I learn that the Doctor mentioned the historian's
having three Bibles — Greek, Latin, and English — which showed
* Dr. Joseph Jookson Howard, Maltravers Herald Extraordinary, has most
kindly recently sent me a copy of Qibbon*8 book-plate which corresponds in
all respects to tlie above.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 287
marks of constant use. Gibbon was in the habit of attending
St. Francis' Church in the rear of his dwelling, and of following
the lessons in the original Greek. In an unpublished letter of
1798 Lord Sheffield puts the curious question to Wilhelm
de S^very: 'Is it true, that our friend Gibbon's Portrait
was hung up before the pulpit in the Church at Lausanne ? ' ^
Gibbon's Bible was loaned by me to the Commemorative
Exhibition, at the British Museum, on the centenary of
Gibbon's death (1894), held under the auspices of the Royal
Historical Society, and I was glad to hear firom authentic sources
that it attracted ' great attention.' '
The following interesting information concerning Gibbon's
readmittance to the Protestant communion I owe to the kindness
of M. Vuilleumier :
'Twenty-ninth Assembly, 22 December 1754. Present —
MM. de Crousaz, de Bottens, Pavilliard, and Besson.
'Monsieur le Doyen de Crousaz having shown that Mr.
Gibbon, an English gentleman, had asked for permission to
appear before the pastoral assembly, which had been accorded
him, the said Mr. Gibbon declared, that he had embraced the
' Famished to the author by M. de S^very's grandson, M. William de
Gharri^re de S^very, of the ChAtean of Mez.
* * One of the relics which will attract most public attention, lent as by
General Meredith Bead, is Gtibbon's Bible, which is said always to have lain in
his bedroom at Laosanne. Undoubtedly, his attitude to Christianity is the
feature in his great work which has done most to diminish its influence, and
all educated men, to whatever school they belong, would now admit with his
masterly biographer, Mr. Cotter Morison, that this is a most serious blemish.
It is, however, only fair to remember that Christianity, as it presented itself to
6ibbon*8 mind, was something very different from what we are accustomed to
assodate with the name. ... He belonged to a time on whose shoulders was
laid the burden of a tremendous work of destruction, of destruction which had
to be done before even Christianity itself had a fair chance. . . . But just
because Oibbon was a supreme historical genius he would have seen, had he
belonged to our age, that destruction, however necessary, takes one but a little
way. He never would have had the folly with the Bomanticists to disown the
eighteenth century, "our excellent and indispensable eighteenth century," as
Matthew Arnold called it, but he would have emancipated himself from its
idoljB, have seen how much good there was in many institutions which it
rejected, and have written something even greater than the noble work which
is the grandest historical achievement as yet accomplished on this planet.' —
From the speech of the Bight Hon. Sir M. E. Grant Duff, President of the
Royal Historical Society, as Chairman of the Gibbon Commemoration,
November 15, 1894.
Also a letter of November 23, 1894, to tlie author, from Hubert Hall, Esq.,
Hon. Secretary of the Gibbon Commemoration, and Director of the Boyal
Historical Society.
288 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Roman Catholic religion, but that, to-day, by the Grace of God
more fnlly enlightened, and after ripe and serioas reflection, he
renoanced it sincerely and with good heart, declaring that the
light which he had acquired since his defection had become his
consolation and his joy ; that, in order to testify to heaven his
gratitude, he ardently desired to be enabled to manifest to the
outside world the reality of his sentiments, and to communicate
in the Protestant Church ; and that he would be very sensible
of the kindness which might be shown him by the venerable
Assembly, should it grant him the desired permission.
' The said Mr. Gibbon having retired, M. le Pasteur
Pavilliard, who had instructed him, was asked to express his
views ; upon which M. Pavilliard declared, that he was perfectly
enlightened upon religion and rem&rkably informed on all and
each of the articles which separate us from the Church of Rome ;
and that he knew, that to his great intelligence were added
purity of sentiment and regularity of conduct.
' Immediately upon this declaration, it was decided that
M. le Doyen should felicitate him in the name of the Assembly,
and testify to him the lively joy it felt in seeing him thus
returned to the light. And secondly, M. le Grand Ministre
de Bottens was charged to examine, or to enter into conference,
with him.
* The above decision was communicated to Mr. Gibbon ; and
it was added, that M. Pavilliard would receive him, should the
examination be satisfactory.'
* Thirtieth Assembly, 1 February 1755. Present— MM. de
Crousaz, de Bottens, Pavilliard, Besson, du Toit, Le Resche,
de Bruel.
* M. de Bottens reported upon the commission with which
he had been charged of examining Mr. Gibbon, and declared
that he was perfectly edified and satisfied. M. Pavilh'ard also
reported, that immediately after the examination by M. de
Bottens, and also by himself in accordance with the instructions
of the Assembly, he had admitted Mr. Gibbon to the Com-
munion, adding that the latter had received the sacrament from
him on Christmas-day.' *
' TranalAtion of an extract from the Registre des Stances {dit Livn des
Actes) de VAasembUe pastorale de VEglise de Lausanne, fols. 38 and 39.
VAUD. BERNE, AND SAVOY 289
Since the impresaive event thus recorded, more than a
generation had passed away, and Gibbon had gone through
many trials, when he sat down to write his Memoirs. His
closest friend, George Deyverdun, had died, the family circle at
Lausanne was broken and thinned, and on him was steadily
encroaching the disease which presently ended his life. It
need not be wondered if amid these bereavements and sad
memories his thoughts were led back into long^abandoned
channels, and that his religious nature should reassert its sway.
This of coarse does not imply any return to the Calvinistic
theology — as is clearly proved by certain unpublished portions
of his Autobiography.
CHAPTER CXXVII
The de Cerjat family, whose historic position and services are
recorded antCy Chapter XVII., was represented in Gibbon's time,
among others, by Jean Franpois Maximilien de Cerjat (1729-
1803), who married in England Margaret Madeleine Stample,
an heiress, and was naturalised in that country in 1754.
I have a letter from the Rev. H. S. de Cerjat, Rector of West
Horsley, stating the fact of his grandfather's naturalisation.
His own father married a Weston, of West Horsley. His
maternal grandfather (Weston) was a friend of Gibbon, and on
the death of his wife received from the historian a letter dated
at La Grotte as late as March 14, 1789, which the Rector
kindly sent me, and which is also remarkable for the absence of
any snggestion of religious comfort :
^ Believe me when I say in the general concern for your loss,
none of your friends can more truly sympathise in your aflBic-
tion than myself. If it is in my power to be of any real service
to you and yours, I must beg that you would dispose of me on all
occasions. But at the same time 1 must solicit your indulgence,
on this melancholy day. The weakness of my legs, the bad-
ness of the way and of the weather, the apprehension of
humidity, and a cold which has confined me at home since last
Wednesday, prevent a gouty invalid from joyning with the
VOL. n. u
290 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
public in the last honoars to the memory of a dear and respect-
able person. May time and reason afford yon that consolation
which I am unable to suggest. I am, with most sincere regard,
my dear Sir, most affectionately yours.'
The de Cerjats ' had intermarried with all the great &mi-
lies of the country, among others with that of de Molin de
Montagny.
It was in the year of Gibbon's arrival at Lausanne that
Noble Joseph Francois de Molin de Montagny, afterwards
seignior of Yaleyres, who had succeeded de Crousas in the
chair of philosophy in 1750, hairing become rector of die
Academy, delivered his celebrated discourse in refutation of
Bousseau's treatise on the corrupting influences of the arts and
sciences. He married Livie de Charridre de S6veiy, daugbter
of the seignior of S^very, Joseph Henri, by his wife Marie
Gaudard. He and his family are intimately connected with mv
subject, inasmuch as George Deyverdun left La Grottetobis
son Colonel Jean Georges Marc de Molin de Montagny (17S3-
1803), ancestor of the Grenit^ family, its present proprietors
(1879). Colonel de Molin de Montagny had an agreeable
correspondence with Gibbon concerning the latter's continoed
occupation of the mansion.
Professor de Molin de Montagny (1691-1760) 'completed
his studies and entered the ministry in 1720. After being
pastor of Mont and Romanelle, he became assistant professor of
philosophy under M. de Treytorrens. Four years later, tbis
chair becoming vacant, he contended for it at Berne by sus-
taining the thesis, ' De Anima Brutorum.' The philosopher
de Crousaz was, however, the successful candidate ; de Molin
de Montagny receiving the title of honorary professor, and suc-
ceeding to the chair twelve years later. B^des being a m^
of great learning, he was a practical philanthropist, and con-
stantly occupied himself with the affairs of the Charity School
> From the time of Jaqnet de Cerjat, 1880, the de Cerjat family posM6»^
from father to son, the seigniories of Denezy, Combremont, Allaman, and othf*
estates, and were Chatelaine of Moudon. AUaman, however, was sold in 17^'
to the Marquis de Langalerie.
* Baptized February 20, 1691. MaUriauxpour une Histoin UtUrain^
V Academic de Lausanne et du Canton de Vaud^ 1828, reoAetiUs por H- ^
Xtoyen Bridel, i. 80 (MS.). The family genealogy (MS.), in the author^
possession, states that ho was born in 1690.
VAUD, BERNB, AND SAVOY 891
at Lftoflanne, of whicli lie was the ecclefiiastical president at the
time of his decease.
One of his sons, Jean Daniel Henri, married a daughter of the
famous Bosset de Rochefort (1709-1766), professor of Hebrew
and theology, and afterwards rector of the Academy, anther of
various works — among them * Memoirs and Funeral Oration
upon John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, translated from the
English of Burnet, and followed by general thoughts on Deism/
I discovered some of M. de Bosset de Bochefort's unpublished
writings in the garrets of La Grotte. In his ancestry were the
burgomasters (Lausanne) Jean de Bosset (1588), Benjamin de
Bosset (1617 and 1634), and Jean Philippe de Bosset (1673)—
each styled ' noble.'
The name de Molin existed in La Oruydre as early as the
thirteenth century under the form of de Molindino, being of
Spanish origin ; although some authorities say that it originated
in Venice, and that one branch took part in the Crusades, and
settled in Crete, while another went to Spain, where it still
exists. From La Gruydre the family established itself at
Estavayer, where its head became Commissary of the Duke of
Savoy, in 1496. It obtained the seigniory of Treytorrens, and,
in the middle of the sixteenth century, the seigniory of Montagny
in the district of Yvefdun ; and since the eightieenth century
it was resident at Lausanne. It intermarried with the most
ancient houses including d'Arnay, de Blonay, de Cerjat, de
Charridre, de Crousaz, de Graffenried, de la Harpe, de Huber,
de Loys, de Mannlich, de Metral, de Poller, de Seigneux, de
Treytorrens.
Marguerite Mannlich, the mother of Professor de Molin de
Montagny, was the daughter of Jean Fran9ois Mannlich, seig-
nior of Alliens, and Jeanne Fran9oiBe de Leys. Colonel de
Montagny, who inherited La Grotte from Deyverdun, was con-
sequently her grandson; and the older sister, Anne, marry-
ing Natiianael Deyverdun, was the grandmother of George
Deyverdun.*
' XJnpablisbed mannBcript genealogies of the families of Molin de Montagny,
Beyrexdnn, Mannlich, de Loys, de Charridre de S^very, de Treytorrens, in the
possession of the author.— Letters to the author from Professor Yuilleumier,
October 13, 1879, and from M. H. de MoUn, October 10. 13, and 18. 1879.—
Sxtracts from the registers of baptisms of the parishes of Orandson, Mondon,
V 2
292 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
CHAPTER CXXVm
We hftve seen that Gibbon, when he first arrived at Lansaime,
was an immature yonth whose spiritual depths, however, bd
been strongly stirred, and that lus experiences were dull, grey,
and restricted. About this time there returned to Laasaiiiie
G^rge Dey verdun, a young man, three or four years older, who,
representing one of the most historical families in Yaud, and the
best culture of the time, had been prepared by the changes and
chances of centuries to meet the exact need of Gibbon.
The entire aristocracy of Lausanne in those dajs were
interwoven by the ties of blood ; and when you think of one
figure, the host of afiectionate relatives troop into view. Thus,
Deyverdun finally opened the doors of the most interesting
persons of the community, and brought Gibbon into oontsct
with indigenous or foreign intellects there assembled, whose
intercourse awakened and developed his eager and comprehen-
sive powers. Deyverdun, moreover, conferred an inestimable
benefit upon the future historian by his agreeable and profitaUe
companionship.
Two men, in fact, greatly contributed to Gibbon's soooess:
Lord SheiBeld, who relieved him from pecuniary anxiety by
taking charge of his monetary affiiirs, and Deyverdun, who for
thirty-five years enlivened and strengthened him by his keen
and merry wit, his sunny and sympathetic mind, as welltiB by
his intellectual force and seholaiship. Deyverdun was indeed
quite equal to taking up the cudgels with Gibbon on an obecnre
and knotty question whenever it arose in the course of the
historian's labours, with which he was associated at more than
one point in their progress.
I find from the unpublished Journal (1753-1761) of
his father, Captain Samuel Deyverdun,' which I discovered
Lausanne, Cambremont, and Treytorrens.~Letter of M. Ajmon de Croosaz,
Cantonal Archivist, to the author, Janaary 81, 1880.— The genealogies of the
family of de Molin de Montagny and the origin of the family were prepared for
the author, in 1880, by M. Aymon de Crousas, Cantonal Arohivist ; they vert
further annotated by M. Jules Piccard.
* The family of Deyverdun originally spelled the name D'Yverdon or
t> Iverdon, after the town of the same name. Captain Samuel Deyverdua
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 298
in La Grotte, that George, then nineteen, arrived on Sunday,
Augnst 5, 1753, from Basle, where he had been pnrsning a
coarse oF law. In this Journal there is constant reference to
the families de Seigneur, de Constant, de Diesbach, Fels, de
6oQmo6ns, Polier, Prey, d' Apples, Bourgeois, Bergier, and to
Captain Deyverdun's brother-in-law, M. Louis C6sar Secretan *
— a descendant of the distinguished family of Secretan referred
to in Chapter LX. — ^who had married, as his third wife, Fran^oise
Deyverdun, maternal aunt of G^rge, and who occupied at that
time the post of lieutenant fiscal, and later became chancellor.
Captain Deyverdun was a freemason of high degree and
of great influence. I have a letter addressed by M. Gustave
Schlabrendorf, another masonic luminary, to 'his venerable
and very dear brother,' Captain Deyverdun, presenting to him
M. de Grabow and the latter's tutor, M. Schwartz, of Swedish
extraction.'
The Captain had a spacious mansion at the bottom of the
rue de Bourg, at the comer of the Place St. Francis and the
rue St. Fran9oi8, now the Federal Bank. I have given, in
Chapter LDI., a detailed description of this ancient abode, which
dates from the fourteenth century. In his Journal, under date
of December 6, 1754, he says the tapestry for ' our g^nd salon
arrived from Lyons, and a few days later my wife had it hung ;
we are very much delighted with it.' Besides his residence at
wrote D'Eyyerdan, while his son Geoi^ge used two forms in his joamal,
d*E7yerdim and d'Yverdon, and later without the apostrophe. Sprang from
the dynastic de Grandson family, through its Belmont hranoh, upon reoeiylng
the zn^tralie of Yverdon this family assmned the arms of its office and the
name of the town. Its arms henceforth were : Vert, a savage or, holding a
clnb orer the shoulder, or ; surmounted by a barred helmet in profile denoting
ancient nobility. Motto : In corde mncerUaSt in ore Veritas (Sincerity in heart,
truth in speech).
^ In 1752 (October 7) Colonel Benjamin de Ghandieu writes to M. de Loys,
Seignior of Orzens, from Lisle to Veyey, to ask when M. Samuel de Verdon (Dey«
▼erdon), who desires to purchase La Chauz, near Ooesonay, will visit the place,
and by whom he will be accompanied. (From the unpublished archives of the
Marquis de Lojrs-Chandieu). Captain Deyverdun does not appear to have
succeeded in his intention of buying La Chaux. The de Chandieu possessed
La Chaux through intermarriage with the family of Bobert du Gard de
Fresneville, who bought it from the Bernese in 1540.
* Unpublished genealogy of the Secretan family, copied from the tree
belonging to M. Henri Secretan, haut forestier of the commune of Lausanne, k
la Cit6, November 26, 1881, by M. Charles F. Piccard, Commissary-Oeneral, in
the possession of the author. Also information derived from Colonel Edouard
Secretan.
s Unpublished, from the MS. collections of Mme. Constantin Orenier.
294 HISTOmC STUDIES IN
Lansanne and hia coantry seat, Les UttinSy near Onchy, Oaptun
Dey verdun poMessed a fine house and vineyards at Pally, where
several of his children were bom.'
Earlier in 1754 he records the death at La Grotte of M. de
Leys de Bochat, his wife's brother-in-law. ' Daring his malady
my wife was assidaoos in her attendance npon him and in
rendering service. On April 4 he was taken fit>m this earth,
between two and three o^clock in the morning, regretted by all
honoorable people. My wife and my son, George, sat np with
him continaally, and especially the night of his death — ^in &ct,
they dosed his eyes.'
In the coarse of my researches I foond in La Grotte the
original manuscript of de Bochat's epitaph, prepared immediately
after his death, which is to be seen to-day upon his stately
barial-plaoe in the Cathedral.' The eminence of this man, to
whom I have hitherto alluded, and his connection mth La Grotte,
render it important to present a more particular account of him.
Charles Guillaume de Loys de Bochat was bom at Lansanne,
> In the marria^-eontraot, April 27, 1783, of Noble and Tirtnoas Sftmoel
PeTverdnn, uiesBor of the Sixty of Laosanne, assisted hj Moble and Oeoerooi
George ICanlioh, seignior of Bettens, of the Grand Cbonoil of the eity tod
repablic of Berne, brigadier in the armies of his Majesty the King of Fnooe,
and colonel in the Swiss regiment of his said Majesty, relatiye of the aid noble
husband ; the latter's wife, Madeleine de Teissoni^re, was to reoetve ss dover
500/. sterling, given by her anole, M. de Teissoni^ d'AyroUes, British
Minister at the Hagae, and from her mother, Mme. de Teissoni^ a soffieieiit
snm to make the dowry 10,000 livres.— In the possession of Professor Looii
Grenier.
' mo JAOST
XOB. CAR. OTILL. LOTS ▲ BOCIUT
JUBI8 BT HI8T. Ut ACAD. LAUSAH.
raOFBSSOB. P.
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KOMUK. APCD 8U08 ST RZTRBOS.
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IV. DIKS ZZn. OBIIT
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PBB XZX. AHN. B. KBB.
FBAHC. BUS. TBISSONIBRRB.
LACBUM. HOC. SAZUM.
The de Lojra Anna, with « Count's ooionet
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 2Lf5
«
December 11, 1695. I have had occasion in Chapter LII. and
elsewhere to speak of him, and we left him seated in the profes-
sorial chair of law. To lectures on jarispmdence he soon added
those on history, and out of his academic labours grew historical
and legale works which gave him high reputation throughout
Enrope.* He also fulfilled the duty of rector or president of
the Academy, and kept up avast correspondence, much of which
I found in La Orotte, with some of his writings in conjunction
with the historian Buchat. As an inhabitant of the rue de
Bonig, he was one of the tribunal which condemned Major
Davel to death in 1723. As we have seen, ownership of a house
in this street and residence therein conferred nobility and the
privilege of judging certain criminal cases. At an early age he
filled the important office of assessor to the cour haiUivah^ and
having been appointed in 1740 comptroller-general and lieu-
tenant-bailiff, he resigned his professorship.
The baiUff of Lausanne was the governor appointed by
Their Excellencies of Berne, and it was the duty of the lieu-
tenant-bailiff to give him advice as a native of Yaud. In the
bailiff's absence the office was filled by the lieutenant-bailiff.
The post was both administarative and judicial. The cowr
baiUivale, or Court of Appeals, consisted of the bailiff, lieu-
tenant-bailiff, three assessors, and a secretary. The second, the
feudal court, was composed as above ; then the court for the
examination of certain criminal offences, like the cour baiUivale,
but without the bailiff, and with the addition of four members
of the Ck)UDcil of Lausanne.
M. de Leys de Bochat, having inherited his father's paternal
estate of La Grotte, which included the ancient tower and
* The following is a list of some of his works : — 1. M&mdrez pottr servir d
VHistoire du diffireTid entre U Pape et le Cantcn de Lucerne d Voccaeinn du
bannissement du curi d'AndermaU* 2. lUponse d la Rifutatum d'un anonyme.
8. Ouora^es pour et centre lea Services itrangers, conaid6rie du c6U du droit et
de la morale* 4. Epistolica dissertoHo qua declaratur Lapis antiquust in
loco, ubi quondam Lousonna fuit effosus [sic], et de rummdlis ad HekieHa
Romance antiquiiaies perUnenUbus argumentis disseritwr, 5. M&mcires critiques
pour servir a*Sclaircissements sur divers points de VHistoire andenne de la
Suisse et sur see Monuments d^antiquitis. 6. Manifests au sujet de la Con-
spiration d^couverte d Berne en JuUUt 1749. 7. Matiriaux pour une Histoire
Uttiraire de la Suisse, 8. Commeniaire sur U PlaUit g4n6ral, 9. Notes sur
h Plaiet g^n^raU * He is iJso the author of various articles in the Journal
HeUMque and in the Musie HelvHique. He was one of the principal
fbondera of the collection entitled tiie BrJbliothique Itdlique.^—'D^ Montet.
296 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
pavilion, purchased from the Lausanne authorities, July 1, 1750,
the contiguous buildings, which had also formed part of die
Monastery of St. Francis, and had been somewhat injured by
fire.^ Uniting these under one roof, he came a few months
later to reside in the renovated La Grotte.
His official position and family influence made him the most
important person in Lausanne. His wife (tiie Snsanne de
Teissonidre) possessed beauty and accomplishments, and under
her direction the hospitalities of La Grotte became proverbial.
Her family had been obliged by the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes to fly to Holland ; and it was, as already noted, in the
quaint town of Utrecht that de Loys de Bochat, in the course
of his travels, made the acquaintance of Susanne de Teissonidre.
The de Teissonidres removed a short time after to the Hagae,
where M. d^Ayrolles, brotheivin-law of Mme. de Teissoni^re,
was British Minister, and here de Loys de Bochat married her
elder daughter. Mme. de Bochat had thus before her mA^
riage known the most polished society. La Grotte, in the
life-time of the Lieutenant-Bailiff, became the resort of all die
distinguished people who visited Lausanne, and his nephew,
George Deyverdun, therefore possessed the best social advan-
tages.
Professor de Bochat was a member of the Academy of
Sciences of G5ttingen, and of various other learned bodies.
The letters which poured in upon Mme. de Bochat after his
death (1754), from all parts of the Continent and from England,
show the esteem in which he was held by the foremost minds of
the day. Gibbon speaks of studying his works, and it was his
good fortune to make M. de Bochat's personal acquaintance the
* The deed of pardhase is endorsed thus : * Purohase by Noble and Oeneroos
Charles Guillaame de Loys, seignior of Boohat, Lieutenant-Buliff and eitisai
of Lausanne, and Virtuous Susanne Fran^oise Tessonnite, bis wife, from tbe
Seigneurie of Lausanne, on the first of July, 1750,' by whioh the Seignion of
Lausanne, the Boursier, the Bannerets, dkc, sell to M. de Boohat, * les b&li*
ments incendi^ de la Grotte,' with the plaoe, garden, and terraoe sitoate^ is
the rear of the church of St. Francis, upon the condition that the porchssen
shall keep In repair that part of the city walls whioh form a portion thereof,
for the price of 7,600 florins, plus the expenses for wine, the town-orier, oiBeers,
Aq. This document is signed * Secretan.' The wine allowed to the seereUi;
of the Chambre (Economique de Lausanne cost fifteen thalers, to the tova-
orier seven thalers and a half, and to the oflScers one thaler.— From the an-
published MS. collections of Mme. Gonstantin Grenier, discoverodby the aoUior
m La Grotte.
VAUD. BERNE. AND SAVOY 297
year before his death, in the mansion which thirty years later
became his own abode.
M. de Bochat was a fervent freemason, and I found in
La Grotte a fragment of a discourse by him in defence of that
body. George Deyverdnn and Gibbon followed in the footsteps
of their illastrions predecessor, both being earnest masons.
The masonic body in Switzerland was then under the direction
of the English masonic authorities, and had no political
affiliations.
M. de Loys de Bochat had bequeathed the half of the house
and grounds of La Grotte to his wife, and the other half to his
sister, Etienne Susanne de Loys, wife of Noble Samuel du Teil,
late Major in the service of Their Excellencies. On October 16,
1754, Mme. de Bochat purchased her sister's share for 10,500
francs, of 10 baches,' and also obtained possession of the furni-
ture in the grand salon.
The inventory of the latter comprised : A green brocatel
tapestry, six tapestried armchairs, six smaller armchairs harp*
like, a large sofa covered with rich silk, a bench covered with
green plush, two foot-stools covered with brocatel tapestry, a
screen with tapestry, the window curtains of fine and new cloth
and white inner curtains, a tall pier-glass in a gilt frame, a
marble and gilt console table, a clock whose case was in sculp-
tured and gilded black wood, seven crystal lustres in gUt bronze,
two gilt bronze candelabras for the mantelpiece, two portraits
of a Prince and Princess of Hesse. The other portraits in the
salon already belonged to Mme. de Bochat.*
After M. de Bochat's death La Grotte continued its traditions.
His widow remained a personage of the highest social authority,
and her nephew George Deyverdun resided with her. The
eminent Professor Escher of Zurich, writing to her November 12,
' The Talne of the bache or batz at this time being 15 centimes, a franc of
10 batz was worth 1 fr. 60 c. Mme. de Bochat therefore paid the eqaivalent of
15,750 francs of present money.
' This nnpablished parchment document in Mme. Constantin Qrenier's
eolleotion is endorsed :
' Cession et Acqaia en favenr de Noble et Yertueuse Snsanne Fran^oise
Teisaonnidre, venye de fen Noble et G6n6reax Charles Guillaome De Loys
vivani Selgnenr de Bochat et Lieutenant Ballival de Lansanne, et Contre
Olleur g6n6ral de dite ville ; Contre Noble et Vertaense Etienne Susanne de
Loys, femme de Noble et O^nSreuz Samuel Du Teil, Citoyen du dit Lausanne,
e% cj derant Major pour le Service de LL.EE. Du 16 Octobre 1764.*
298 msTOBiG STUDIES nr
1762, speaks of La Grofcte, * where all ihe Hiie of Lausanne
assemble/ and says that his friend Professor Hers and his wife,
whenever they recall the politeness and goodness of Mme. de
Bochat, fall into ecstasies over her exquisite qualities. He
mentions in the same letter (unpublished) that M. and Hme.
Here had been charmed to make the acquaintance of ^the
celebrated Rousseau, in whose house they dined and sapped,
and who treated them with the utmost politeness. ... The
Professor has indeed become one of his most zealoos partasans
. . • and Voltaire is as much detested at Zurich as Boussean
is venerated and loved.' The Professor adds that Bonssean is
really a Christian, and the sceptical ideas in the third part of
EmUe were the donbts of a Savoyard, and not his own.^
Captain Samuel Deyverdun records in his journal, Jaly 23,
1759, the sad and terrible news of the death of M. de Mannlidi
de la Chenalaz,' who was killed while acting in the armj of
France as brigadier, being at the time lieutenant-colonel of the
Swiss regiment Jener Bemoia, Having been ordered to tab by
assault the fortified town of Mflnster in Westphalia, defended
by the troops of Hanover, M. de la Chenaiaz received a bayonet
thrust in the breast daring the attack, and was stretched dead
upon the ground. He was honourably interred by the French
army. * We have been much worried by his death. He was
my cousin-german through his father, M. de Mannlich de
Bettens,' killed at the siege of Fribnrg in Brisgau, in 1713, at
the end of the War of the Spanish Succession. The latter was
also a valiant officer. He was major of the de Villars regiment
at the time of his death, and if he had survived he wonld have
early acquired a veiy high rank. M. de la Chenaiaz had a great
friendship for us, which we reciprocated and always testified.
He was the godfather of my daughter Lisette, to whom he had
made a legacy of one thousand livres in his will, bnt as she
died a year before him we lost the money. But he testified to
his good feeling of relationship by appointing my three sons,
even the youngest, as legatees, together with M. [de Saussare]
* Antograph letter in the author's oolleotions.
' M. Jean LooiB de Mannlich, petit bourgeois of Beme, March, 1787.
' M. J. Maro de Mannlich. From the genealogical pedigree of tii0 ^
Mannlich family, extracted from the MS. Liyxe d*01ivier, by M. Jolfls «•
Piecard, for the aothor.
YAUB, BERNE, AKB SAVOY 209
:; de St. Cierge and Mme. d'Anbonne (brother and Bister, children
I ofM. [de Sanfisnre, second Baron] de Bercher, and grand-
cliildren of the late lient.-general [de Mannlich] de Bettens),
vioQi he has named as heirs of all his property. Everything
was collected from all quarters, and after M. de St. Cierge had
Irept what he thought fit for himself and his sister, the remainder
was 8old. My two elder sons arranged everything in accord-
ance with M. de St. Cierge's wishes. When the sales had taken
place, it was suggested that an agreement should be drawn up
between the two heirs and my three sons ; and although M. de
8t. Cieige and Mme. d'Aubonne asked too much, my two elder
sons coDsented, and an agreement was made whereby they ceded
all their shares in the legacy in return for the sum of about
5,700 livres of 10 bata; between them and their youngest
brofcher, who was a minor. They pressed me to sign for the
latter. If I had been the master I would not have come to any
tenna, bat should have been of the opinion that my sons ought
to await events : the more so as it was said that the property
amoanted to better than thirty thousand livres. But many
persons frightened my sons by saying that there would be a
great law-suit between them and the members of the de Sanssure
family, in case the entail were opened in their &vour. To this
fear was added the allurement of entering into the immediate
possession of about two thousand francs each. My two eldest
sons received four thousand francs in good securities left by M.
de la Chenaiaz, with the endorsement of the heirs, in accordance
with the law. As for the youngest, my wife and my other sons
negotiated his two thousand livres, and I saw nothing of them.'
July 19, 1759, Mme. Deyverdun exchanged certain articles
of her fine pewter service for ' plats a la mode campanne.'
October 5, friends came to inform them in great haste that
George had received the post of Justicier. The appointment
was a surprise to everyone, because M. Seigneux, son of M,
Pierre Seigneux, had withdrawn in favour of M. le Maire,
senior, who had the support of all the councillors of the Bour-
geoisie. Bat George Deyverdun received the votes of the coun-
cillors of the Nobility because his friend M. de Saussure, the
junior of M. le Chatelain Polier (* our good friend and relative *),
retired in his favour.
300 mSTOBIC STUDIES DT
January 15, 1760, Councillor Bergier was named BanneiBt,
in the place of M. Secretan the younger ; and M* le ChateUm
Polier became Coancillor.
August 6^ ' Mile, de Saussin,^ my sister Deyverdan, my
wife, and myself, left Les Uttins for Ck>tten8, on a visit to Messrs.
and Mme. de Crinsoz de Cottens, our relatives, who, having
invited us, sent us their pretty and commodious chariot. We
arrived at 5 in the afternoon . . . and renewed our ancieot
friendship. We were most graciously received, and were invited
to dine at Colombier. . . . We also drove to Cossonay, where
we passed a whole day ehez ma cousinB Qum. We returned to
Les Uttins on Wednesday at noon, having breakfasted at Moiges
with M. TAssesseur-BailUval Mayor. We stayed a week with
our relatives, and they showed the highest satisfaction in seeing
us in their home. After our absence we were delighted to find
our own house in excellent order, and that our three nppar
servants had watered, swept, and taken care of our gardens.' '
CHAPTER CXXIX
Near the Journal of Samuel Deyverdun, in the same wonn-
eaten box, I found a Diary of his eldest son George, containing
his opinion of the characters of various persons in the society of
Lausanne. It was begun eleven months after Gibbon's arrival,
and shows the simple and healthy life led, in the middle of the
last century, at Lausanne. As a rule the breakfast-hour was
before eight, dinner was a mid-day meal, and supper an
important one. People in society retired between eleven and
twelve and rose about seven. After their toilet, an int^^
with the perruquier usually followed. Much of the time was
spent in the open air.
Deyverdun, at this time, seems to have observed his religious
duties with great regularity, saying his prayers night and
morning, reading the lessons of the day, and attending church
\ George Deyverdan gpellfl the name Soaein in his joomal.
• T ^j5P^^l>*^®d journal of Captain Samuel Dejverdun, found by the aoiiK?
in Lia Qrotte.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 801
on Sunday. He was devoted in his attention to his Aunt,
Madame de Leys de Bochat, and passed several honrs daily in
reading to her from the Bible and from varioas anthors, of
whom one was Voltaire, then near in person.
Les Uttins, constantly mentioned by Deyverdun, was one of
the country-seats of his family. It came to them fix>m Mme.
Teissonidre, who, May 2, 1739, divided her property equally
between her eldest daughter, Susanne (Mme. de Loys de
Bochat) and Madeleine (Mme. Samuel Dey verdun). Mme. de
Bochat received various English and Swiss securities; Mme.
Beyverdun being given Les Uttins with its appurtenances, and
certain other securities.
M. Daniel Miron, Doctor of Laws and bourgeois of Jouxtens,
whose son is frequently mentioned in the Diary, was the legal
adviser of Mme. Teissonidre at the division of her property,
before she left Jouxtens to live with M. and Mme. de Loys de
Bochat at La Grotte.' Mme. Teissonidre died early in 1747 at
the age of eighty; and, M. de Loys de Bochat dying a few years
iater, George Dey verdun came to La Grotte as a companion to
his Aunt. It was while there that he kept this Diary, and
received the visits of Gibbon.
Les Uttins fell into decay, and was destroyed by M. de
Haldimand about fifty years ago because it interrupted the view
of the lake. I possess a pen-and-ink view of the ruins given
to me by Mme. de Loys de Treytorrens, mother of the Marquis
de Loys-Chandieu, who sketched the scene in her girlhood.
* Certificate of the Notary Conrlat, dated May 11, 1739, and oonflrmation
ol the diTiaion of the property signed by DetaUents, Bailifl of Laasanne,
May 35, 1739. (From the unpublished manuscript ooUections of Mme. Con-
stantin (hvnier, discovered by the author in La Grotte.)
This diviaion was made by Mme. Teissonidre upon the express understand-
ing that, as long aa Diyine Proyidence should leave her on earth, each of her
two sons-in-law — M. de Bochat and M. Samuel Deyverdun— should pay to her
annuaUy, in quarterly instalments, the sum of 450 livres in Swiss silver, on
condition besides that the said sum should be assured her in the security of
the general property of each of her said sons-in-law, and of M. Bergier de
Pont, Blinister of the Holy Gospel at Lausanne ; and on condition, moreover,
that after her death her two daughters aforesaid should each pay to her cousin,
Marie OurseL living at Berlin, in recognition of the tender love and friendship
she had always manifested towards Mme. Teissoniftre and her family, the sum
of 100 francs yearly. This division was heartUy approved by Mme. de Loys
de Boeh&t and her husband. Samuel Deyverdun made certam objections in
ti,-r«^« «# Ilia wife, saying that she would have preferred her mother not to
tridThet vi^^^ ^«^*^' *>«* ^^ ^'^^ ^" '^^^ ^*^^y "^8^*^^ '"^
agreement.
802 HISTORIC STUBIBS IN
Near by was bailt, in 1770, the house called Le Petit
Oachj, now L'El786e.^ It belonged originally to Professor
Bosset de Rochefort, and came to Colonel Henri de Molin
de Montagny through his wife, daughter of the Professor.
Towards the end of the last and early in this centniyitwas
a sammer residence of Mme. de Stafil, who received there a
large and select circle. In her salons Mme. Rdcamier, Baron
Constant d'Hermenches, and Benjamin Constant often appeared
together in comedies. In 1832, the then M. de Molin sold the
property to Count de Satg6-St. Jean, who named it L'Elys^,
and it was recently acquired by M. Gnstave Perdonnet of
Lausanne.
M. Benjamin Bugnion (1695-1777), who held yarioushigh
oflSces in the administration of Lausanne, who was chatelain of
Cheseaux and councillor of the Two Hundred, owned a property
next to Le Petit Ouchy called Monchoisi.' His son Anthony
(1733-1791), called ' the Englishman,' was the intimate friend
of Deyverdun, married MUe. Mallet, of the Island of Jersey,
lived in 1777-78 at La Grotte, and later at Monchoisi, where
he died without issue. The property then passed to the
d'Arlens' family. The house was well known. Voltaire, and
later Mme. B6camier and Mme. de Stadl, are said to have acted
in the drawing-room. It was bought in 1817 by Mile, de
Cerjat, who left it to her nephew, M. Auguste de Cerjat, the
present proprietor.
Gibbon and Greorge Deyverdun no doubt became acqaainted
shortly afler the latter's arrival from Basle, as the Pavilliazds
and the Deyverduns were intimately acquainted. In this Diary
Gibbon is twice called 'M. de Guiben,' and once 'Gaibon':
the absence of any characterisation, such as the diarist gives to
' The aathor possesses the original plan of this property. * I gave joor
message to Mme. de Bercher in a charming situation, where we passed all d&j
Sunday. It was at Oachy ehes M. le Professeor Bosset. We had before os til
the beauties of nature, as well as good company, the thought of you and of oar
friendship.*— Letter of M. Seigneux de Ciorrevon to M. de Loys d^Onais,
December 6, 1750 ; from the unpublished MSS. of the Marquis de Up-
Chandieu.
* The arms of Benjamin Bugnion, painted in oil upon a wooden P^^^>^
bearing his name, were set up over his seat in the CouncQ of iheTwoHondred,
November 1, 1754.— From Notes on the Bugnion family prepared for tbc
author by M. Charles A. Bugnion j'Z/ls of Lausanne, 1879.
VAUB, BBRNE. AND SAVOY 808
otW aoqnamtances, is no doubt dne to the fact tliat the two
iad beea for some time friends. ,
Ajealoosj had existed before the death of M. de Loys de
Bochat between Mme. de Bochat and her sister Mme. Deyverdun.
This, manifested in the correspondence between Mme. de Bochat
and her god-danghter Mme. Folloppe, arose from -the fact that
Mme. Deyverdun had children while her sister had none ; bat this
feeling seems to have entirely subsided, and we find that when
George was taken under the special protection of his Aunt,
Mme. Deyverdun was a fi^uent visitor at La Grotte. George
Dejverdnn was entrusted with the arrangement of M. de
Bochat's MSS., as appears by his Diary, — trom which a few
clanses must here suffice us :
'May 31 (1754). Supped at Les Uttins with the Minister
PaFiIljard, and Messrs. Mollin^dre etfiU\ returned at 10. M.
Pavilliard the most honest man in every way that I know ; he
is so honest that he injures his own affikirs.'
' June 1. Went out at 5 o'clock, ill, for a walk on the Terrace.
Met M. de Guibon (^), Yeis de Molans, Montagny, the Abb6,
M6rian the elder. Veis de Molans (MoUens), a Bernese, lives
with Contrdleur Secretan ; has little genius or politeness, is a
caviller and a rake.'
* 2, Sunday. Went to church at 8, received the Communion,
heard M. Dutoit Aguet, good sermon ; upon my return received
the visit of Liardet Liardet, Minister, governor of a
Milord Milord without genius, dissipated, not straight-
forward, and ill-mannered.'
^ 5. M. Jacot ; an extremely amusing relater of aneodotes. I
had never heard him preach before ; he gave us a very eloquent
sermon.'
'July 14. M. Pavilliard has taken a liking for me^ and I
should see him frequently but for the number of his occupations
and his wife Carbonella.'
* 1 6. Went at 5 to Grand's, where I found de Sonnaz and
de Crousaz playing at tarots (a game of cards) ; played and lost
20 sols. I was ill, and they forced me to play, so to say.'
' August 1- Awoke and got up at 8, said my prayers, walked
in the garden, read the first Comedy of Destouches, breakfasted,
read 30 pages of Bayle and made extracts, arranged the MSS.
804 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
of the late M. de Bochat, dined, read two Comedies of
Deetouches, read to my aunt 40 pages of the Journal Lit-
t6raire, drank tea, read 30 pages of the same, supped, read
50 pages of the same, read the chapter of the Epistle to the
Hebrews and the Psalm for the day in my room, read one
Comedy of Destouches, said my prayers, went to bed at mid-
night.'
This of August 1 is a fair specimen of many days ^tered
in the Diary, the volumes read being of course different.
Lenglet, Begnard, Camoens, Montesquieu, Petronius, Ludwig,
Swift, Rapin-Thoyras, Barclay, Pope, the Letters of Mme. de
S^vign6, and above all Voltaire appear to have been the favoarite
books.
CHAPTER CXXX
M. Gabriel he Seioneux de Correvon (1695-1775), often
mentioned in George Deyverdun's Journal, and of whom and
his ancestors I have elsewhere spoken,^ was the son of tbe
assessor of the bailiwick Jean Louis de Seigneux and Susanne
de Saussure his wife, and was bom at Lausanne in the same
year as his friend and connection M. de Loys de Bochat. In
the summer of 1753 Gabriel wrote to his relative, M. de Loys,
seignior of Orzens, from the neighbourhood of Ouchy — that he
had fled from town in order to enjoy the liberty of the country.
* We form,* he says, ' a little republic free from all inter-
ference, sufficiently resembling a state of nature. We are eight,
and sometimes ten, masters. Our cuisine is excellent, and our
table simple and abundant. We know how to quit and how to
meet one another again, how to vary our reading, our interviews
and our promenades. At one moment we are in the midst of
the most perfect calm on the borders of an agitated lake ; again,
in the turmoil of a society augmented by some adversaries,
within sight of a tranquil lake. In fact, all the movements of
this lake interest us ; its security increases our own ; its waves,
more often smiling than angry, give us a decoration incesaantlv
' ArmB : *L'doa 6cartel6 d*or et d*argent, au sceptre d'or fleur-de-lis^ pos^
to bande et brochant eur le totit.*
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 305
changing. Oar shore is animated by an air of commerce and
industry. The labour of the people engaged about us makes
as feel the price of the care they bestow and the sweetness of
oar repose. The barks, the galiots, and the boats that pass,
arrive, raise or lower their sails, tack or swim before the wind,
TFhich are tossed about upon the waters or enjoy awhile the
safety of the harbour — form a spectacle for the eyes and the
mind which instructs and amuses us. At any hour we can
enter a boat, and, seated beside an experienced fisherman, par-
take of his joys in the sport which gives us an additional
dish.'*
Gibbon soon after his arrival at Lausanne also showed some
taste for country life and manly exercises. We hear of his
making excursions, and asking his father to allow him to take
lessons in the riding-school ' which his relative Lord Eliot had
frequented, as he thought it might strengthen his health.
However, he seems not to have acquired any proficiency, and
soon abandoned this exercise. A few months later Pavilliard
suggested to the elder Oibbon that it would be desirable for his
son to have a little distraction, some gaiety, and to see some-
thing of society, as this might eradicate his rather sombre mood.
Gibbon seems to have thus gradually emerged from his austere
retreat. We get a glimpse of Lausanne society in the second
year of Gibbon's sojourn from the following unpublished letter
of Mme. Polier :
' I must speak to you of the life we lead here at Lausanne
this winter. We have greatly amused ourselves. BuUe's band
has been constantly engaged for balls during the day and the
night. M. [de Constant] d'Hermenches has given some con-
certs, wherein various violins, harpsichords, and fiutes, with vocal
accompaniments, joyously took part, s^d the young girls formed
the chorus. My daughter was of the number. But those who
shone far above all others at these entertainments were Mme.
d'-Hermenches, by her voice, M. Seigneux Rose by his, and the
son of Colonel de Crousaz. The latter played bass in so melo-
dioaa a manner that everyone was enchanted. I have never
' Angiut 10, 1753, unpublished, from the archives of the Marquis de Loys-
Chanciieti.
2 Torn down in 1896.
vol-, n. X
806 HISTOBIC STUDIES IN
seen anyone else who plays as well. As there are always ill-
natnred persons who infuse bitterness into whatever they touch,
BO in these parties a similar sitaation was reached M. d*Her-
menches gave s^fete to the yonng people, and everythiDg went
snccessfnlly until someone placed a note under a chandelier at
the entrance. It was written with lemon juice, and could only
be read by the light of a fire or candle. Therein the mistre^ of
the house was loudly praised, but the others severely satirised,
and I believe M. d'Hermenches himself was badly treated. The
conduct of the unknown author was generally blamed. Some
other evil-disposed persons wrote to Berne attacking M. Poller
the Minister, and M. Pavilliard. It is said that M. Poller is
too haughty. This must have been done by really despicable
people. It must be confessed that M. Polier is attentively polite
to all those who merit it. If he has not an affable physiognomy
he replaces it by his courtesy and wit. I thus inform you of the
gospel [news] of the day. I know that society has been ?ery
gay also at Yevey, and I trust that you have been sufficiently
well to take your share in it.' ^
The seignior of Hermenches alluded to was Samuel de
Constant, Baron de Rebecque (1676-1756), seignior of Villars-
Mendraz,* who had purchased the seigniory of Hermenches firom
M. Louis Deyverdun and his wife, n^ Crousaz de Corsier,
parents of Mme. de Goll, and uncle and aunt of Greorge Dey-
verdun. In Chapters XXVIII. and XL VI. I have referred to
him and to his family. He married Rose Rusanne, daughter of
Louis de Saussure, Baron of Berchier. He was intimate with
Voltaire, and renowned not only for his military ability but for
his literary tastes. I possess a number of his unpublished verses,
communicated to me by my friend M. Ernest Chavannes.
It was in this year that Gibbon became a frequent gaest at
the receptions of M. d'Hermenches.
The intimate unpublished correspondence of the time, among
the manuscripts in my possession, give interesting bits of gossip^ f
* Autograph letter of Mme. Charlotte Polier de Brettigny, nie de Lots, wife
of M. Jean Abraham Polier, seignior of GoamoSna or Brettigny, from the
archives of the Marquis de Loys-Ghandieu (MS.).
' Gtenealogical tree of the noble family of de Constant de Bebeoqne, in the
unpublished manuscript collections of the author. The seignior of Henneii
ches hod the right of hunting and fishing, of jurisdiction, and of advowsoa.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 807
and show the relations existing between the society of Lansanne
and the different courts. Every noble family in the Pays de
Vaud had a representative at some one of the German courts,
or hjgh in position in France, or holding distinguished military
rank. This produced a polished society which drew its senti-
ments and breeding &om the best sources in Europe, the French
inflaence being particularly beneficial.
One sees that this class was highly cultured, seizing with
eagerness upon every new work which issued from the press,
and even passing some about from hand to hand in manuscript.
A member of the family circle, male or female, in a chateau,
read aloud, and later the book was wittily discussed and the
theme thrashed out. The volume then journeyed from one
friendly manor to another, and when it had been criticised in
each centre, views were interchanged as to its intrinsic merits.
The graceful personality of Mme. de la Pottrie presents
itself to us in a series of letters to her father, the' Burgomaster
de Seigneux de Correvon, of Lausanne, from the court of
Weilbourg, then the centre of the German Duchy of Nassau,
ruled over by the line of Nassau-Weilbourg, descendants of
Walram IV. of the elder line, who was father of Adolphus of
Nassau, King of Germany, 1292-1298. Within this favoured
territory was the beautiful valley of the Lahn, the towns of
Wiesbaden, Diez, Dillenburg, and Herborn; the watering-
places Ems, Selters, and Schwalbach ; and the renowned vine-
yards of Johannisberg, Hochheim, Biidesheim, and Asmanns-
hausen.
We can well imagine Mme. de la Pottrie, while writing,
raising her eyes from time to time to view the gardens, the
winding river with its high banks at their feet, and the noble
trees in the great park.
She speaks of the death of M. de S6very, which profoundly
afflicted her. If it were possible, she would wish to have about
her all the persons that are dear to her ; without this she can
not be exempt from anxiety. The simplicity of life at the
smaller German courts of that day scarcely rivalled the
etiquette of the Bailiff's court at Lausanne. ' I am attached,'
she says, ' to the person of the princess rather from taste than
duty. Notwithstanding, it appears from her conduct that she
z 2
808 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
wishes to have me near her. She is very fond of walking, but
I do not aeoompany her, as I am not equal to long excursions
on foot. I go with her whenever she drives out. She went
some days ago to make her first call upon the Princess de
Hohenlohe, tiie wife of the Qrand Judge at Wetzlar.* The
latter represents the person of the Emperor there. Wetzlar is
only three leagues from Weilbourg. We afterwards went to
dine with the Countess de Wit, whose father is one of the
presidents of the chamber, and at four o'clock we accompanied
the Princess on her return to the palace of the Grand Judge,
who was as gracious a prince as he could be in French, con-
sidering that he understands it but slightly. A ball was about
to be given for the young people. By the time everything was
in readiness we were obliged to leave ; besides, the court-
mourning for Prince Charles, who had died November 9th, did
not permit of the Prince and Princess remaining. Moaning
is worn here in the same manner as with us.' Woollen dresses
are not out of place at present, for it has been quite cold for
some days. The Prince has taken advantage of the temperature
to put on his skates. Louis finds it charming to have the per-
mission to accompany him, and to glide about as much as he
pleases — a thing he learned to do very well at college. M. de
la Pottrie has sent him to the Rector, who is a man of merit
and an excellent teacher. He remains there from the mondog
until four in the afternoon, when he returns to the castle or
visits some ladies in the town. Everybody has a thousand
kindnesses for him. It is a life which pleases him infinitelT.
His father is delighted with him, his master equally so. ^
latter finds that he learns with the greatest facility. As for his
eldest brother, Augustus, the idea of making him a mvaiU most
be put aside. His father tells me that he is four times as lirelj
and tempestuous as Louis, and yet a very good boj. ^
Princess said that her sister loved him as if he were her ovn
child.
«
* The news has arrived firom Detmold that the latter i«
* Prmoe Charles Philippe Franpois de Hohenlohe-Bartenstein, Enig^^ ^
the Order of St. Andrew, had held this office since 1746. Ooethe eomingt^
Wetzlar, less than twenty years after, there foond in his personal experieM*
subjects for his Sorrows of WeHher, which Deyverdan afterwards traiela^
* Mme. de la Pottrie's letter on this account has black borders.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 809
understood to be with child, and this will undoubtedly prevent
her coming. The roads are very bad and the lodging-houses
still worse. M. de la Pottrie is at the Regency, where he
passes nearly all his mornings and the greater part of the day
m writing. I am continually astonished that his health does
not suffer. Yesterday we had Colonel Dutail to dine with us.
He is eighty-three years of age and supports all kinds of fatigue.
He left at seven the same evening, and had a three leagues' ride
before him. May Heaven grant a like old age to you and to
my mother, to whom I send the assurance of my most humble
respect.' *
In another letter (February 16, 1754) Mme. de la Pottrie
remarks upon the severe weather which had prevailed not only
at Lausanne, but in the castle at Weilbourg. She says : ' The
rooms here are too warm when the fires are kept up, although
the windows and doors do not close any better than they usually
do in old buildings. The castle is extremely large, but so
ancient that nobody knows when it was founded. It is only
remembered that the father of the late Prince introduced modem
improvements into the apartments. The Prince can be quartered
here in great style and without disturbing his belongings. M. de
la Pottrie flatters himself that he will be able during his
minority to put aside a hundred thousand crowns every year.
His household, although it appears to me to be quite numerous,
has been considerably diminished since his father's death. All
the pages are settled elsewhere, and only M. de Peville remains,
who is to be placed at the head of an academy. There are also
de Leche, the Scuyer ; M. de Gaisbich, marshal of the court ;
M. de Raidre, master of the forests ; M. de Arling, major of the
grenadiers, who, I believe, has a pretty and amiable wife ; M. de
Schenk, the oldest existing member of the household ; M. Ardin,
who is about to retire and, it is said, to marry one of the
daughters of the governor of the Princesses. This is an old
affiiir which, it is thought, must terminate by marriage. He is
thinking of buying a house at Kirchheim. M. Funk, who is
councillor of the court, was near being married for this reason :
several gentlemen and ladies of Weilbourg took it into their
1 Febraary 2, 1754. From the nnpublished collections of M. Chfurles de
Steigucr, of Berne.
810 HISTOBIG STUDIES IN
heads to make him esponse a daughter of a deceased oooncillor,
whose mother is also nearing her last moments. The daaghter
is young, pretty, and well educated, they say, and has fi%
thousand florins net, but he does not wish her.
' The Princess has at present no one but Mile, de Felone,
who has been in the household for the last fifteen or twenty
years. She was Maid of Honour to the late Princess, and will
remain until they can find a suitable person for the Princess
Henrietta. There were two or three at the time of the death of
the Prince, but they were considered unnecessary, and returned
home. There are many young ladies who are ambitions to fill
this place, but it is essential to have a person with a certain
education. As far as this goes, the post for a young lady with-
out fortune could not be more agreeable. The appointments, it
is true, are only a hundred crowns, but she has nothing to do
except to accompany the Princess when she goes for a walk.
She takes her repasts with her mistress, and is served like a
queen. She passes the greater part of the day in working or in
amusements. The games they play here are the quadrille and
the /ricef. The Princess does not care much for the latter. For
some time past we read when there are no visits from strangers
The Prince and Princess, Mme. Arlinx and myself, at fonr
o'clock, come into my room; we have our work-tables, and
M. de la Pottrie is the reader. Then we take tea and play cards
until seven or eight o'clock, when we rejoin the company at
table. Finally, each does about what he pleases. I ought,
moreover, to say for the benefit of those who have the kindn<^
to take an interest in my welfare, that for the greater part ci
the time I do not wear a panier pioop-petticoat], and that my
dressing occupies little more than a quarter of an hour, as the
court-mourning does not require the hair to be curled ; we wear
it quite d la FrariQaise.* She sympathises deeply with her sister
and Mme. de Bosset on learning that their sons have had
the small-pox, and will be happy to hear that they are out of
danger.^ |
Mme. de la Pottrie informs her father, April 26, 1754, that
she has arrived at Detmold, the capital of Lippe-Detmold, and
finds the Count de la Lippe fatter than when he was at
* From the unpublished ooUections of M. Charlee de Steigaer, of Berne.
VAUD, BKBNE, AND SAVOY 811
Lansanne in the enjoyment of Pavilliard's poor fare. His
household oonsists of M. de Blomberg, Mile, de Berghaim,
and M. de Illsberg, without whose advice he does nothing. She
speaks of his breeding-stnd and stables, and of the hunt, and
then describes the ch&tean, which is most ancient. She visits
the old Princess (the mother of the Count) at Broege, who dis-
likes M. de la Pottrie, and who resembles Mme. de Gonmo^ns.
She proceeds to speak of the two Princesses of Nassan (the
wife of the Count de la lippe and the mother of M. de la
Pofcfcrie's pupils), the former of whom is very kind to Auguste
de la Pottrie (brother of Gibbon's friend), who is about to leave
for Brunswick. The Count de la Lippe retains pleasant
memories of Lausanne, and woald like to go there again if he
were rich enough. She finds Detmold very dull.
But two months later she returns to Weilbourg, where there
are continual hunting parties, and the Princess is a skilled
markswoman. The Prince of Nassau is declared of age. She
has received a letter from M. d'Hermenches (her brothei^in-law)
announcing his return to Lausanne. She speaks of the death
of Mme. de TEtoile, only daughter of Mme. de Pompadour, who
has thirty millions (of francs). The younger Prince des Deux-
Ponts, brother-in-law of the Elector, is at Mannheim, where
the oQort is most brilliant. M. d'Hermenches has arrived at
Weilboarg ; his wife (nie de la Pottrie) has just given birth to
a girl. M. d'Hermenches, after a sojourn at Weilbourg of only
three days, had gone with M. de Bellegarde to Carlsruhe, but
is returning to Lausanne immediately on account of the con-
dition of his wife and an accident to his father, General de
Confitant. Mme. de la Pottrie is firightened by the breaking-
out of small-pox in the Bressonaz family, and fears for the
charms of Mile. Sabine.^
' Frozn the oolleotions of M. Charles de Steigner, of Berae. The Palaoe of
Lippe-Detmold, where Mme. de la Pottrie was residing in 1754, is a venerable
boiiding reminding one somewhat of the Castle of Glamis in Scotland, having
a vast ronnd-oomered tower and donjon. The breeding-stnd of which she
speaks was famous as having existed at least as far back as the fifteenth
eentnry. The atables contained a Isjrge number of horses of the Senner race
of Arabian origin, which were allowed to ran wild in the Sennerwald from the
first of May to the first of November. It is cnrioas to find the Coimt of that
day speaking as if he had bnt a modest fortune, as his descendants became
verj rich and owned nearly all the large estates in their dominions and all the
forests filled with a variety of game, and had sach ample resources as to be
812 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
At the time of Mme. de la Pottrie's last letter, M. de
Brenles,^ the friend of Voltaire, having gone to the hant at
Morges, writes to his wife at home that the first question he
asked on arriving was, how he could communicate with
Lausanne. There was no regular messenger, and only chance
occasions for the despatch of letters. After great difficulty he
found an opportunity for the morrow. He tells her that she
must not look upon hunting as a rival in his aflFection for her.
He says that Mile. Froidenville is fresher and more active at
seventy-four years of age than most Lausanne women are at
thirty or thirty-five. He speaks of the pleasures of the chase ;
the only fear they have is of the wolves.'
Mme. de Brenles replies to her husband, that she had been
tormented all the day with visitors. Mile. Tscharuer' had
made her way in, in spite of orders, and she was very glad of
it. The wounds of poor M. de Martines and his valet were
very serious. It had been thought that the shot had traversed
the head, but this was an error. Dr. Levade thinks that he
may recover from the shot-wound, but he fears the oontosions.
He is unable to take any nourishment, and the valet is deliiioas.
The authorities of Lausanne committed a great fault in giving
up the guilty man to the Bernese Governor at the ch&teau. It
would have been shorter to seize him at once than to give
themselves the trouble of redemanding him. It really seems as
if the Lausanne authorities sought a discussion which might
only serve to cut down their rights. Mile. Tschamer says that
this Watteville, the prisoner, is a wicked man. He is perfectly
tranquil in his cell, and says that it is an unfortunate a&ir, hot
not his fault. M. Clavel, seignior of Marsens.^ has seen Levade,
able to sapport the expenses of the government and demand from their snbjecti
scarcely any taxes.
* The end of the de Brenles mansion (demolished in January 1896, some
months before La Grotte was destroyed) was inmiediately in front of the door
of La Grotte, and was also constmctod from a portion of the ancient oonTent.
' April 29, 17^4. From the unpublished collections of M. Ernest Cfaavannes.
Mme. de Brenles was as remarkable for her ugliness as for her espdt vA
fecundity. She was a Mile. Etienne Ghayannes, and had three brokers «^
were priests.
' Of the family of Albert Tschamer, Baili£F of Lausanne, 1755>1763, and of
Vincent Louis Tschamer, also Bailiff of Lausanne, 1769-1775.
^ M. Justin Clavel, seignior of Marsens, Bopraz, and Ussidres, vbo is
mentioned in the next letter under the second title, was a rdati?e of tbe de
Brenles. The Tour de Marsens is in the centre of the D^saley dietxiet of I^
Vaux ; Bopraz lies two leagues from Oron.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 813
who continues to hope to save the wounded men. M. de
Chabot ' has asked M. and Mme. de Brenles to pass the after-
noon and sup with him to-morrow (Thursday). Mme. de
Brenles says she will accept, and finish her visits in the
Boorg.
M. de Brenles, in the course of his peregrinations, had
anived at the chateau of M. dn Gard, seignior of Echichens,
half an hour from Merges, situated on a height, from whence
he conld see Mont Blanc from base to summit through an
q)ening in the Alps of Chablais. He tells his wife that the
chase is no longer his dominant passion, and asks her to
imagine what it really is. Notwithstanding all the pleasures
of this sojourn he cannot remain until Sunday, and he there-
fore requests her to send very early on Thursday morning
M. de Ropraz' horse, otherwise he will make the journey on
foot, for he must be in Lausanne that day, and he will not allow
anything to interfere with his being present with her at
M. Chabot*s pretty supper.*
M. Pavilliard writes to Mrs. Porten, January 28, 1755, that
Gibhon's * behaviour has been very regular and has made no
slips, except that of gaming twice and losing much more than I
desired. I hope. Madam, you will acquaint Mr. Gibbon with
your satisfaction and restore him your affection, which though
his errors may have shaken, they have not, I am sure, destroyed.
As his father has allowed him but the bare necessaries, but
nothing more, I dare beg you to grant him some tokens of your
satisfaction.*
In February, Gibbon himself writes to his aunt. The Times,
in its remarkable article upon the Gibbon Commemoration, tells
OS that Lord Sheffield in his edition of the ' Memoirs ' published
only that part of this letter relating to his return to Pro-
festantism, without a hint of the latter portion, which was
extremely significant in another direction. * Could I leave off
here,* Gibbon proceeds, after reporting the satisfactory settle-
ment of his religious opinions, * I should be very glad, but I
have another piece of news to acquaint you with.' He had
been gambling at faro, he tells his aunt with much circumstance,
* The daughter of M. de Chandien-Chabot married in 1757->8 Noble Clavel
de Marsens.
' May 1, 1754. From the unpabli&hed ooUections of M. Ernest Chavannes.
814 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
and had lost heavily. He has no money at his command (as
we see from Pavilliard's letter), his creditors are pressing for
payment, and the thought of the anger of his fiskther, who is
awaiting proofs of his religions conversion, terrifies him. He
flings himself on Miss Porten's pity with passionate eoei^,
which overflows into two nervonsly-worded postscripts:
' I shall make no nse of any other prayers than this plain
recite [sic] of my situation. If it produces no effect on yoa
nothing else would. Bemember only that my term [i.e. the
grace allowed him by his importunate creditors] finished
March 15. I tremble for your answer, but beg it may be
speedy. I am too much agitated to go on. I will tell yon
something of myself in my next — ^i.e. very soon. — ^I am, dear
Kitty, your unfortunate nephew, B. Gibbon.'
' His aunt,' adds the TimeSj ' apparently proved obdurate,
for his stepmother scribbled across the top of the first page,
" Pray remember this letter was not addressed to his mother-
in-law [i.e. herself, his stepmother], but to his aunt, and an old
cat as she was to refuse his request." Gibbon was only eighteen
at the date of this episode, but it will not be unsatisfactory to
his admirers, who have been taught to regard him as preco-
ciously staid, to read the confession from his own pen of a
boyish escapade, with its normal accompaniment of extravagant
avowals of remorse.' *
Gibbon had been now scarcely one year and a half at
Lausanne, and had lost the easy command of his own language
without being able to use the French tongue with fiicUity and
exactitude.
CHAPTER CXXXI
The last eight months of 1755 was the period of Gibbon's most
rapid progress. He says among other things that he read
M. de Bochat's * M6moires sur la Suisse,' and wrote ' a vay
ample relation ' of his tour with M. Pavilliard through Switzer-
land which he drew up to send to his father.
I found in La Grotte the greater portion of the unpublished
* The London Times, November 12, 1894.
[
VAUD, BEBNB, AND SAVOY 816
and original draft of this account, of which he remarks : ^ Had I
found this jonmal among his papers, I might be tempted to
select some passages/ It is evident that it had been carried to
La Grotte by Gibbon after his fSftther's death, and overlooked in
the mass of papers which he had stored in his garrets.
It is written in French in that small compact hand which
belonged to Gibbon in the early part of his life. In examining
the Gibbon manuscripts at Sheffield Place prior to their exhi-
bition at thetJibbon Centennial, I noticed several copies, partly
in the handwriting of Gibbon and partly in that of another.
As early as October 1753, M. Pavilliard wrote to Gibbon's
father that it was desirable to give the son some gaiety, dis-
traction, and change. Finally the advice prevails, and Gibbon
in a letter to his aunt, Mrs. Porten, September 20, 1755, says :
* As my father has given me leave to make a journey round
Switzerland, we set out to-morrow. Buy a map of Switzerland,
It will cost you but a shilling, and follow me. I go by Iverdun,
Neufch&tel, Bienne or Biel, Soleure or Solothum, Bale or Basil,
Bade, Zurich, Lucerne, and Bern. ... I have been the whole
day writing you this letter ; the preparations for our voyage
gave me a thousand interruptions. Besides that, I was obliged
to write in English. This last reason will seem a paradox, but
I assure you the French is much more familiar to me.'
Bat in perusing this Journal in the original French it is
J'^adily seen that he did not yet use that language accurately.
I give an English translation of the more interesting parts of this
document :
' October 9. — ^We left Basle a little before nightfall, and went
to Liechstall, a small but sufficiently pretty town in the same
Canton [of Basle].
October 10. — ^We passed the mountain of Hauenstein with
some difficulty, for although great pains have been taken to
render the road good, art has not been able sufficiently to van-
quish nature. The Canton of Basle is very united in its internal
^airs, but it has excellent natural fortifications for the exterior
in the BJhine as well as in the high mountains of the Jura,
which stretch from Geneva almost to the Rhine. It is un-
protected only on the side towards France — the only one, in
fact, on which it has anything to fear.
816 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
We passed through Olten, a town of the Canton of Soleure^
and arrived for dinner at Aaran, where we remained two days
and a half.
October 11 and 12. — ^Yon must not be surprised if I do not
send you my impressions for these two days and a half. As a
matter of fact, I took no notes. All that there is to say about
Aarau I have already sent you ; why, therefore, remain so long
in a place which I had already sufficiently seen ? Here is the
reason : Madame Pavilliard, wife of the person to whom yon
confided me — Madame, I repeat, who had accompanied us to
this point, and who had remained at the house of a married
sister in this town, wished her husband to spend some little
time with his sister-in-law.
October 18. — Leaving Aarau early in the morning, we dined
at Aarbourg, which forms part of the Canton of Berne. The
town is neither large nor fine ; it is only celebrated for itfi
fortress; the Bernese built it to prevent communication be-
tween the Cantons of Soleure and Lucerne, which almost meet
at this point, and both of which are Catholic. This castle is
perched on a high rock and is reached by a great number of
steps. With such a situation you do not expect a regular forti-
fication ; and such is the case ; it was necessary to adapt the
building to the locality. It appears sufficiently strong (pro-
vided it were attacked by a Swiss army) to hold its own, I
think, for a considerable time against its assailants. The Castle
of Aarbourg also serves as a prison where prisoners of state are
incarcerated. When we saw it, it contained only M. Micheli
du Crest/ a famous Genevois of whom you have perhaps heard
speak. This man, who certainly had genius, figured pro-
minently in his country during the last troubles. The outcome
was not favourable to him ; and his effigy was hanged by order
of the Council in 1735. From that moment he has done
nothing but wander about, carrying everywhere the flame of
discord (according to his enemies). He is a great partisan of
the democracy, and, as several of the States of Switzerland are
no longer democratic, such sentiments as his can only render
him odious everywhere. The Bernese had him seized at
» Jacques Barth^lemy Micheli du Crest (1690-1766) was imprisoned in ibe
CasUe of Aarbourg eighteen years.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 317
Neuchatel in 1745, and condacted him to Berne, where he was
treated very mildly until 1747, when the Conspiracy of Berne,
in which he was accused of taking part, having shown how
little he could be relied upon, he was conducted to Aarbourg,
where he has remained till the present time. He is very well
treated, and has even been offered the permission to eat at the
Commandant's table, but he would never accept. As he is a
great mathematician, he has amused himself lately by measuring
the heights of the moantains which he can distinguish fix)m his
prison, and he has published a pamphlet on this subject.
We slept this night at Morgenthal, a small village, which,
liowever, gives its name to the surrounding district called
3(orgenthal, signifying Valley of the Morg. This manner of
3iaming the country about here is much employed, for example :
TEmmenthal, Langenthal, &c. ; just as we have in Scotland,
'^i^weeddale, Twisdale, Lauderdale, Annandale, &c.
October 14. — We went to see the Abbey of St. Urbain,
hich is in the Canton of Lucerne, but situated very near the
jTontiers of that of Berne.
The Abbey of St. Urbain is very fine ; it has been entirely
built within the last few years, hewn stone having been used.
ii is large. Its Church is constructed in almost the same taste
that of Einsiedeln, but it is far from being as beautiful as
e latter. The Abbey contains a fine hall, which is used as a
fectory during the election of the Abbot. It is very large
a, xii lofty, with a superb ceiling. The Library of St. Urbain is
a very pretty structure ; so far as books are concerned, I would
ec^tfily give it the preference over that of Einsiedeln. It contains
s^^veral good collections ; besides the works of Grovius, Grono-
v£. «8, Montfaucon, Muratori, the Scriptores Bizanti, we were
sIk own those of Cardinal Prosper Lambertini, now Pope Bene-
di ^^ XIV., who has had them printed at Rome since his accession
to the Pontificate, in twelve folio volumes. They have no
manuscripts, but there is a su£Bciently pretty collection of
xn^dals, both ancient and modem. I examined it; the most
curious medal I saw was one of the Emperor Tiberius, specimens
of which are rarely to be found, a learned connoisseur of our
nation assures us.' They have what appeared to me a sufficiently
* Addison's Bemarfis on Several Parts of Italy t page 237.
818 HISTORIC STUDIES IK
singular method of keeping their medals. Small pieces of wood
are cat in the form of the medal, and in the centre is a Hud of
bed on which the medal is placed ; while a small hole is pierced
at the back. When yon wish to take it out, yon posh it from
the back through this small hole with another piece of wood
shaped like a needle. This method is very easy, but it has the
fault of spoiling in the long run the reverse of the medd.
We were presented to the Abbot, who received as very
kindly. He comes from the little town of Mellingen, and owes
the dignity he possesses to a reason very different from tliat
which has raised several Cardinals to the Throne of St. Peter.
He was elected on account of his youth. As the accession of a
new Abbot costs a great deal to the community, they desire to
repeat this ceremony as seldom as possible. Ton will jadgeof
the amount they expend upon it from what I shall tell yon.
Although the Abbey is properly in the Canton of Lucerne, it is
nevertheless under the protection and in the conAourgeoiM (by
ancient treaties) of four Cantons : Berne, Lucerne, Solenre,
and Freibourg ; and of four towns : Bienne, Zofingen, Md-
lingen, and Bremgarten. When the Abbot is elected, he goes
first to Lucerne (as he is the territorial seignior of that place)
in order to take the oath. Thence he is conducted to Berne to
undergo the same ceremony, having with him a deputy of
Lucerne, who goes merely to add the words : " And by all the
Saints," when the Chancellor of Berne says to the Abbot : " Yon
will swear by God." When he is received at Berne he is seattnl
in the Great Council as a mark of honour. He then proceeds
in the same manner to the other Cantons ; but for the towns it is
sufficient to perform the ceremony by deputies. After eyery-
thing is finished, he returns to St. Urbain with a nnmeroas
retinue and gives a brilliant /^^. You now understand why the
brotherhood does not wish to renew so often all these joumey-
ings, all these deputations, and all these /^$^, which cost exces-
sively dear ; and yet it is not because they are lacking in money,
for, without counting what they have elsewhere, their reveooe?
in the Canton of Berne alone amount to thirty or forty thousand
crowns a year.
We dined at Langenthal, a large market town, well known
in Switzerland for its linen markets; we saw so many that we
\
VAUB, BERNE, AND SAVOY 819
thought it was really a fair; but a merchant with whom w&
dined at the Imi told us that it was only a market, and even
one of the smallest that he had seen for a long time, and he
added : *' I have only bonght about a hundred new louis' worth
this morning." He continued by telling us that every year five
hnndred thousand crowns' worth of merchandise was sold at
these markets. The peasants in this district are very rich*
Some have as much as six hundred thousand francs. A lieu-
tenant of a company of dragoons in the militia of the country
assured us that the sixty-two men who composed his troop,
certainly possessed, taking one with the other, thirty-five to forty
thousand francs each, although this troop was drawn from a
bailiwick only two leagues in extent. We look upon the Swiss
as poor ; can you find me in a like extent of country in England,
sixty-two peasants with so much wealth ? I think not. I have
asked several persons the reason of this extreme opulence in
this part of the country, while everywhere else the peasant was
wretchedly poor. It must be attributed: first, to their linen
manu&ctories ; secondly, to the great profit they derive from
their cattle ; and thirdly and principally, to their great thrift.
Does a peasant whose father has left him a hundred thousand
crowns, think of throwing up his profession ? No, he has too
much good sense not to feel that such a step would only serve
to make him scorned by those with whom he would wish to
mingle, without procuring for him the esteem of those he would
leave. On the contrary, he is proud of his profession, he brings
his children up to work, he himself works. He enjoys, in truth,
more comforts than other peasants, but it is always as a peasant
that he enjoys them ; he wears fine cloth and fine Unen, but
he does not the less wear peasant's clothes. He has fine horses,
bat he leads them to the plough. There have been some whose
daughters have been asked in marriage by the seigniors of
Berne, but who have preferred to give them to persons in their
own condition.
We slept at St. Nicholas, a small village on the Berne road.
[Here occurs the Extract given in Chapter XI.]
320 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
October 16, 17, 18. — In mentioniiig Berne, I will spealc of
it as the capital of a state, and then I will say a few words of
its government, and afterwards I will speak of it simply as a
city. One must be a bourgeois of Berne to hold a post nnder
the government. When Berchthold, Dake of Zaehringen, built
the town of Berne in 1191, he granted it important privileges,
and soon after (on the death of its foonder) it became entirely
free and independent.
[Here oocubs the Extract GivEBr m Chapter XL.]
It appears to me that in giving yon this small aoooant of
the different revolutions of the Bernese bourgeaisief I am at the
same time relating to yon the history of that of Bome. Despised
also at its commencement, it became in the end so considerable
that the peoples of Italy — ^the first subjects of the Bepablic
under the name of Allies — seeing that without the title of
Roman they were nothing, while with it they were eveiytlung,
resolved to obtain it or perish. You know the rest; the
obstinacy of Rome to keep them back caused the social war
which almost destroyed the Republic and ended in their grant-
ing to the Allies everything they had demanded before the loss
of three hundred thousand lives. The Bernese have read his-
tory ; why have they not noticed that the same causes prodaoe
the same effects? The answer is easy, but delicate— private
cupidity extinguishes the lights of reason.
This bourgeoifie of Berne is composed at present of about
three hundred families, but although all these members are
equally eligible for the Council, there are only about eighty
who sometimes attain that position. It is true that a few new
families are allowed to form part of it, so that the lesser bourgdoit
may not be entirely discontented. The sovereignty of Uie
Republic is in the hands of a Council of two hundred and ninety-
nine persons, which is however styled the Council of the Two
Hundred. War, peace, foreign alliances, taxes — in a word^
everything which concerns the government is the province of
this assembly. But as it is composed of too many members for
the treatment of daily business, it has established a perpetual
commission of twenty-six persons, chosen from its own body,
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 821
upon wliicli it has conferred the power to accomplish many
things. These two comicils choose from each other the members
who coini)ose the Great Council in the following manner :
Before a promotion can take place, seven years must hove
elapsed since the last. It is permitted to propose it in the Two
flandred ; if it is accepted 1^ a majority of votes, the election
occurs; if not, it is postponed for another year. The last
three promotions were made only at the end of ten years each.
But in order to prevent the postponement of the elections for
too long a time by intrigues, there is a fundamental law which
enacts that, after the death of ninety members, the Bannerets
and the Seizeniers shall have the great bell of Berne rung,
assemble the Councils, and proceed immediately to a new
election, whatever the time of the year may be, although
Easter is the period fixed by the laws. When the Two Hun-
dred have declared that an election is to take place, the Seize-
niers (&om the Abbeys) are created. The inhabitants of Berne
are divided into twelve tribes called Abbeys. Four Abbeys
elect two Seizeniers each, the others one, and they are drawn
by lot from all those members of each Abbey who have already
been Baili&. The Seizeniers then sit with the Little Council,
and proceed to the elections. A member to be eligible must
be bourgeois of Berne, and have completed the twenty-ninth
year of his age. Each Seizenier has the right to recommend
(that is, nominate) whom he wishes. Each Councillor has the
same right, and the Advoyers (the Chiefs of the Bepublic)
nominate two. The Chancellor, the Landamann, and several
other officers of state have this same right, even though they
be neither Councillors nor Seizeniers. All these nominations
I'esult in the election of about fifty persons. The remainder
(for at each promotion about eighty are elected) are chosen by
the plurality of votes of the Seizeniers and the Councillors.
Unless you understand the value the Bernese attach to this
dignity, you could never imagine the manoeuvres which are
resorted to in order to attain it. I can only compare them to
oar parliamentary elections ; they are none the less violent be-
cause Ivhey are more secret and less tumultuous.
"We have seen how the Great Council which holds the reins
of state is composed. It is this same Great Council which
VOL.. n. Y
822 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
elects the Little, bat in a much more formal maimer, thos: As
soon as a Gonncillor is buried^ his snocessor is elected. The
Two Hundred are assembled for this purpose. Each member
puts his hand into a small bag ; the ten who draw gilt balls
retire to another room ; each of them writes down the name
of the person for whom he will vote, and these tickets are
opeiD&i before the Throne (of the Advoyer Beyrand). If libese
ten tickets do not contain at least six different names, a new
election of nominators takes place to complete the nomber, and
in this new election the first nominators are not allowed to
participate a second time. If by means of the two elections
the candidates are found to be more than ten, it is the ten whose
names are read first who remain. Then by a new operation,
one-third of the Two Hundred are excluded by lot firom votisg,
and the candidates are reduced by a majority of votes to four.
Two of these four are then excluded by lot. Then the tliird d
the Great Council who were excluded, return ; the relatives of
the two candidates to the fourth degree inclusively withdraw,
and the one who receives the most votes becomes a Coancillor.
This election, which has so many operations, several of which
depend on the ballot, appears to debar all intrigue ; but I assare
you that it does not exclude it entirely. Such is the mystery
of the Bernese government. With respect to the maimer in
which the Great Council is made, several persons believe that it
will be in the end the ruin of the Republic. As the eledion is
in the hands of a small number of persons, each wishing to
advance his son, his relative, his kindred, and it is, so to speak,
impossible for a new family to rise, besides which the Two
Hundred are renewed only every seven, eight, nine, or ten
years — ^it follows necessarily that a great number are dis-
appointed each time. This year, for example, eighty-three were
elected ; there were five hundred and eighty candidates. There
are, therefore, five hundred whose hopes are dashed to the
ground for a considerable time.
As for the election of the Little Council, matters are
perhaps rather better. The Advoyer Tillier told us at Badenr
that he had wished to make a slight change in that direction,
viz., that the first ten nominators should not know who the
candidates were. This is how he would set about it : he woaU
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 82S
hare a number of small boxes in the shape of & donble snuff-
box, and each member would receive one of them, with one
Bide dosed in which would be a ball, gilt or not, and the other
open for the tickets which each would place therein. These
boxes would be opened before the Throne, and the names on the
tickets contained in the same boxes as the ten gilt balls woxdd
be those of the ten members elected.
I will not enter into tedious details concerning the govem-
ment. There are two Advoyers (who resemble somewhat the
Roman Consuls) who are elected for life, but each of whom
reigns for one year in turn. There are two Treasurers — one for
the German country, the other for the French country; and
many Chambers of Justice, War, Finance, Ac., which are neces-
sary in every government, and are sufficiently alike in all. But
I cannot pass without saying something about their Bannerets,
their Secret Council, and their Bailiwicks.
I have already told you that the inhabitants of Berne
were divided into twelve Abbeys. The first four are called
Abbeys of the Bannerets, because it is only from the Councillors
who are members of these four Abbeys that the Little Council
can elect Bannerets. They sit for four years only, after which
they are succeeded by four others ; but when this second batch of
four have performed their functions, the first quadrille take
their place, and so on. These Bannerets, in their quality of
Guardians of the Laws, have a very extended authority. I will
merely give one example. On the Monday after Easter in
every year, the Bannerets and the Seizeniers cause the great
bell of Berne to be rung, and from that moment all the magis-
trates of the Bepublic cease from exercising their office during
eight days ; and these twenty persons remain sole masters of
the State. It is during this interval that they examine the
conduct of each official. Their power b such that they can
d^rade a Councillor, without being called upon to give a
reason for their action ; but an example of the exercise of such
a right has not occurred for a long time past. At the expira-
tion of the week they convoke the Two Hundred, who re-
establidi the Council, and all the magistrates in their functions,
and the Bannerets and the Seizeniers return to their usual
daties.
S24 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
The Secret Council of Berne sufficiently resembleB the
Council of Ten at Venice, except that it does not exercise its
authority with the severity of the latter. It is composed of the
Advoyer who is out of office, four Bannerets, and the two last-
appointed Councillors ; and has unlimited power in all affidn of
State which demand profound secrecy, and is accountable to
God alone for its actions.
With respect to the Bafliwicks, I will explain myself with
rather more detail. They number about fifty — ^not that the
extent of the country demands so many, but they were made in
order to satisfy as iax^ a number of families as possible;
besides which, in proportion as the Bernese became rich)
acquiring now one landed estate and now another, they estab-
lished a Bailiff in each to collect the revenues and administer
justice. Formerly these Bailiwicks were in the giffc of the
Little Council, who distributed them by a majority of votes ; bat
this occasioned many intrigues, half the revenue of a Bailiwick
being expended in presents to the Councillors before election
and to make up for this expenditure all sorts of injustices were
resorted to— for these reasons the Council was deprived of tlus
power towards the beginning of this century. The Bailiwicb
are to-day divided in the following manner : They are separated
into three classes according to their respective values — the small.
the medium, and the good. When a Bailiwick becomes vacaat.
the question is asked, who wants it. Those of the earliest pr^
Inotion are first asked, and if they decline it the question is
passed on to the succeeding promotion, and so on, alwajrs takicf
care that if only one person in a promotion is desirous of taldn;
it, he has the right to accept without disputing it with ih<^^^\
a later promotion ; but if there are several competitors wbo a^^^
for it at the same time, they draw lots for its possession. Tbei
is also a rule, that a Bailiwick of the second class may be take
and then one of the first, but to aspire after a Bailiwick of t!:
third class (the best) a candidate must never have possess
one. Each Bailiwick is held for six years, and the post may
worth from twelve to fifteen thousand francs a year. These •-"
the patrimonies of the Bernese. Ifc frequently happens tia-
spendthrift of twenty consoles himself with the hope that a g<
Bailiwick will remedy everything.
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 825
The Bernese are accused of being very proud. I assure you
that there are very polite persons among them, but for the mass
of the people I believe that the accusation is not entirely
groundless. In truth, it is not surprising either as regards the
greater number of them. In their earliest youth they hear
on every side that their father was a Councillor, their uncle
a Banneret, their grand&ther an Advoyer ; they accustom
themselves to looking upon Berne as the first city in the
universe, and the posts in its gift as the worthiest objects of
their ambition. Many of them have been brought up in
their father's Bailiwick ; they see only subjects who bend the
knee before them, and their slightest desires are immediately
accomplished. Instead then of being surprised that there are
proud people at Berne, let us rather be astonished that there
are not more of them.
Let us speak at present of Berne merely as a city. Under
this head also we shall find it well worthy of our attention. It
is situated on a peninsula formed by the Aar. As for its
environs, they have not a cheerful appearance ; they are, on tha
contrary, rather wild.'
Thus abruptly ends the manuscript which I found in La
Grotte.
CHAPTER CXXXII
In Lausanne there were two societies which revolved within
themselves, though frequently intermingled. The society of the
Cit6, composed of professors and divines and their connections,
was particularly devoted to intellectual pursuits, but did not
disdain to mingle in social enjoyments with the noblesse of the
Bonrg. As already remarked, the latter, through the interplay
of foreign associations, manifested in the eighteenth century an
intellectuality and polish unknown to their ancestors.
M. and Mme. PaviUiard dwelt in the Cit6, and were dis-
tinguished members of that learned quarter. It was in this
society that Mile. Curchod first appeared, and Gibbon seems
to have made her acquaintance in the meetings of a social
826 HISTOBIC STUDIBS IN
organisatioii composed of the young people of both sexes of
academical society of Lausanne, called La Poudritre — ^in re-
ference to the place of meeting, a yalley to the north of i^e
Git6— over which MUe. Suzanne Curchod, afterwards Hme.
Necker, presided at a later period under its changed name of
Le Printempa.
Several years before the publication of Count d'Hausaon-
ville's fascinating volumes,' it was my happiness to find in one
of the old chests in the garrets of La Ghnotte the forgotten roles
of this early assembly, and in another comer the enlarged regu-
lations of Le IHnlemps, both in the handwriting of George
Deyverdun.
The first manuscript bears date July 11, 1759, and is a pro-
position to change the original statutes. MUe. Curchod is ibe
presiding officer therein mentioned. This was a year after
Gibbon's return to England ; bat he was still a member, and
mentions it in his correspondence at a later date. This docu-
ment is signed : Mile. Curchod, Wuillamoz de Champ de FAir,
de Chandieu, Bosset, de Blanc, Francis, d'Ussidres, dUleoB,
Dugu6, P. F. Dahn, P. Wemery, Tschamer.
The next in order is the draft of a speech by Deyyerdnn,
in which he criticises the Senate, suggests some changes in it,
and points out with great gravity some other important measures
which it would be well to adopt.
The next is an address delivered on the oocasion of &e
approaching marriage of one of the members of the oon-
fratemity. The orator soars into ether and disdains to toncli
the earth.
In Gibbon's absence, his fiiend Deyverdun did not neglect
Mile. Carchod, to whom he addressed the following lines. It
will be observed that he claims to have been the first to
prophesy her coming honours, and it is even probable that it
was Deyverdun who first bronght Gibbon and Suzanne Curchod
together:
A hk PLUS ADIABLI DBB RbINXS PAB 1M PLUS rZDKLE DS8 SUJITS.
C'est moi qai le premier ai prAm see grandeurs.
Sor eon aimable front je posai la oouronne.
Je pr^sageais d^jA T^dat qui I'environne.
JeU
ToyaiB r6gner sor lee tendree ooears.
* Le SaUm de Madame Neeker, Paris, 1882.
VAUD, BKRNE. AND SAVOY 827
Be^ois done en ee jonr mon hommage sino^e.
Ni chez an penple libre, et pen fait poor les oours,
Je ne ponrrais aervir nne reine ordinaire :
La orainte et le respect teartent lea amoara.
Mais quand le sentiment a dxM mon soffrage,
Quand d'aimablea yartna ont eaptlT^ mon oorar,
La liberty poor moi oesae d^6tre on bonhear ;
Je sois iler de mon esolavage.*
It is in the account of his second stay at Laosanne that
Gibbon first mentions the Soci6t6 da Printemps :
' I cannot forget a private institution, which will display
the innocent freedom of Swiss manners. My favourite society
had assumed, from the age of its members, the proud denomina-
tion of the spring (la socUiS du printems). It consisted of
fifteen or twenty young unmarried ladies, of genteel, though not
of the very first fiunilies ; the eldest perhaps about twenty, all
agreeable, several handsome, and two or .three of exquisite
beauty. At each other^s houses they assembled almost every
day, without the control, or even the presence of a mother or
an aunt ; they were trusted to their own prudence, among a
crowd of young men of every nation in Europe. They laughed,
they sung, they danced, they played at cards, they acted
comedies; but in the midst of this careless gaiety, tiiey re-
spected themselves, and were respected by the men: the in-
visible line between liberty and licentiousness was never trana-
gressed by a gesture, a word, or a look, and their virgin
chastity was never sullied by the breath of scandal or suspicion :
a singular institution, expressive of the innocent simplicity of
Swiss manners.' '
' Original verses disoovered by the author in La Grotte. Unpnbliahed col-
leetions of M. Loois Orenier (MB.).
' Gibbon to Mx. Hobroyd at Lansanne, from Milan, May 18, 1764 : * We
expect a volmne of news from yon in relation to Lausanne, and in partlcalar
to the alliance of the Dnehess with the Frog. la it already oonoladed ? How
does the bride look after her great revolution? Pray embrace her and the
adorable, if yoo can, in both oar names ; and assure them, as well as all the
Spring f that we talk of them very often, bat partioolarly of a Sunday ; and that
we are so disconsolate, that we nave neither of us commenced dcisbeos as yet,
whatever we may do at Ilorenoe. We have drank the Duchess's health, not
forgetting the little woman, on the top of Mount Genis, in the middle of the
Lago Maggiore, Ac., Ac. 1 expect some account of the said little woman.
Who is my successor? I think Montagny had begun to supplant me before I
went I expect your answer at Florence, and your person at Bome ; whidi the
Lord grant.'
828 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
CHAPTER cxxxrn
I coiiiE now to the second taming-point in Gibbon^s spiritaal
life — ^hifl early love for Suzanne Cnrchod. In his last years his
words betray some emotion as his memory reonrs to this ooe
romance of his life :
' I hesitate, from the apprehension of ridicule, wheb I
approach the delicate subject of my early love. By this word
I do not mean the polite attention, the gallantry, without hope
or design, which has originated in the spirit of chivaliy, and is
interwoven with the texture of French manners. I understand
by this passion the union of desire, friendship, and tenderness
which is inflamed by a single female, whioh prefers her to the
rest of her sex, and whioh seeks her possession as the supreme
or the sole happiness of our being. I need not blush at recol-
lecting the object of my choice ; and though my love was dis-
appointed of success, I am rather proud that I was once cqiable
of feeling such a pure and exalted sentiment.'
Such is the prelude to his brief account of his early love,
and Suzanne Curchod seems to have been the only woman whom
he ever really desired to marry. Thirty years afterwards he
asked Lady Sheffield in a bantering tone : ' Should you be very
much surprised to hear of my being married ? ' Deyverdan
and himself often agreed, in jest and in earnest, that a house
like theirs would be regulated, graced, and enlivened l^ao
agreeable female companion, but each was desirous that his friend
should sacrifice himself for their common good. Again in tiie
same tone, to Lord Sheffield, in 1790 : * I do assure yon that I
have not any particular object in view ; I am not in love with
any of the hyssnas of Lausanne, though there are some who
keep their claws tolerably well pared. ... At present my
situation is very tolerable ; and if at dinner-time, or at my
return home in the evening, I sometimes sigh for a companion,
there are many hours, and many occasions, in which I enjoy the
superior blessing of being sole master of my own house.' And
finally, towards the close of bis Memoirs, he says, alluding to
VAUD, BEBNE, AND SAVOY 829
Mile. Sazanne Carchod : ' Since the Tailnre of my first wishes,
I have never entertained any serions thoughts of a matrimonial
connectioii.'
The revelations of Count d'Haussonville, a descendant of
Mile. Carchod, in his brilliant volumes, ' Le Salon de Madame
Necker/ enable us to follow more in detail the phases of Gibbon's
early love ; but as they are necessarily somewhat incomplete,
thy give rise to several interrogation points.
In the first place, the Gibbon who fell in love with Suzanne
Carchod was a youth of twenty, by no means devoid of attrac-
tions, and far removed from the ridiculous figure of his later
fears. This is what she says of him at that time :
'I shall touch but lightly on Mr. G.'s appearance. He has
beautiful hair, pretty hands, and the look of a well-bred man.
His faoe is so singular and full of mind, that I know no one who
is like him. It is so expressive that there is always something
new in it. His gestures are so apt that they add greatly to his
conversation ; in a word, his is one of those very extraordinary
countenances, that one never tires of examining, depicting, and
copying. He understands the deference which is due to women.
flis manners are easy without being too. familiar. He dances
moderately well. In a word, I find that he has few of those
mannerisms which are the appanage of the fop. His wit varies
immensely.'
If we look at the youthful Gibbon portrayed in the hitherto
unknown likeness attached to this work, we see there a face
which confirms the truth of the above description. It is frank
and sympathetic, yet calm and intellectual, with a certain
dreaminess in the eyes with which Mile. Suzanne Curchod may
have had something to do.
Compelled by the rules of the Society over which she
presided, Mile. Curchod gives the following account of her own
personal appearance : —
' A face instinct with youth and joyousness ; fair hair and
complexion lighted up by bright, laughing, soft blue eyes ; a
small but well formed nose ; a curved mouth which smiled
gracefully in unison with the eyes ; a tall and well-proportioned
figure, which was wanting however in that enchanting grace
which enhances its value ; a rustic air and a certain brusquenesa
830 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
of demeanour wUeh fortned a strong contrast witii her gentle
voice and modest countenance ; such is a sketch of the picture
which you will perhaps think too flattering.*
Let us allow Gibbon to complete his story.
Her ^ personal attractions/ he says, ^ were embellished by
the virtues and talents of tiie mind, . . . and in her short
visits to some relations at Lausanne,^ the wit, the beauty, and
erudition of Mile. Curchod were the theme of universal
applause.* The report of such a prodigy awakened my cario-
sity ; I saw and loved. I found her learned without pedantry,
lively in conversation, pure in sentiment, and el^ant in
manners ; and the first sudden emotion was fortified by tiie
habits and knowledge of a more familiar acquaintaooe. . . .
In a calm retirement the gay vanity of youth no longer
fluttered in her bosom ; she listened to the voice of truth and
passion, and I might presume to hope that I had made some
impression on a virtuous heart. At Crassy (Grassier) and
Lausanne I indulged my dream of felicity : but on my retamto
England I soon discovered that my father would not hear of
this strange alliance, and that without his consent I was mysdf
destitute and helpless. After a painful struggle I yielded to
my &te : I sighed as a lover, I obeyed as a son ; my wound
was insensibly healed by time, absence, and the habits of anew
life. My cure was accelerated by a faithful report of the tian-
quillity and cheerfulness of the lady herself, and my love subsided
in friendship and esteem.'
M. d'HaussonviUe takes Gibbon to task for having obeyed
the injunctions of his father in giving up Mile. Curchod, and
also for not having at any time shown that sincerity of paasioa
which alone characterises profound love. But in passiog
judgment on a human being we must take into oonsiderstioa
the fibre of that being, we must measure its capabilities and its
possibilities. I have lived long enough with Gibbon to know
' Suzanne Corehod^s mother, n4e Mile, d* Albert de Nasse, also renowned far
her beauty, had visited Lauaanne before her marriage. She was of Freodi
origin, of the Reformed religion, and her parents were natives of the little tow
of Mont^limar.
' In December, 1757, Captain Samuel Deyverdun, in his unpublished JoiiniiI<
notes the visit at his town house of Captain Curohod, seignior of the ChiteV
of Crissier, and first oousin of Susanne Curohod.
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 881
tliat the tribute he paid to Suzanne Carchod was the most
sincere and the most fervid of which his nature was capable. He
was not a passionate pilgrim, but the words he used, if measured,
were true.
As early as 1757 Gibbon received permission from Mile.
Curchod to correspond with her. In his first letter (they were
all in French) he says : ' I always feel how great is the differ-
ence between tracing these cold lines amid the dast of my study
and pouring ont all my soul at your feet.' In his next he tells
her, 'Your ruling passion, as is easily seen, is the deepest
tenderness for the best of parents ; ' and this leads him to the
farther reflection, * I think at the present moment of the
happiaess of a man who, possessor of such a heart, would find
yoQ returning his love, who would assure you a thousand times
a day how mach he loved you, and who would only cease from
assnring you of it when he ceased to live.' In a third epistle
he says : ' Since I have known you, Mademoiselle, all has been
changed for me ; ' and he adds a phrase which, to say the leasts
is extraordinary, for what has philosophy to do with love ? ' A
happiness greater than owning a kingdom, greater even than
philosophy, may await me.' He strengthens his position how-
ever by the words : ' But also a torture, renewed each day and
^▼ays aggravated by the thought of what I have lost, may be
'any lot.'
Gibbon having now made an open avowal of his sentiments
band an excellent reception.
M. d'Haussonville, as we have remarked, cannot find in these
W etters any real passion, and presents some lines addressed to his
^ancestress which do not give us a high idea of Gibbon's powers
f versification.
Judged from the standard of to-day Gibbon's love letters
»ound decidedly priggish, but, viewed from a knowledge of the
man and the moment, their sincerity cannot be doubted. On
the other hand. Mile. Curchod was not deficient in emotional
expression when she thought she had reason for complaint. In
1 758 Gibbon went with some friends to attend the Twelfth-night
festivities at Freiburg, and was absent a month. He found upon
Bis return a letter from Mile. Curchod which had been awaiting
him a long time. That terrible fault which followed him through
832 mSTOBIC STUDIES IN
life — procrastination in correspondence — now plunged him into
trouble, for before he replied there arrived a second letter, foil
of reproaches and saspicions.
This letter is unfortunately missing, and its tenor can only
be gathered in part from his reply, which indicates woonded
feeling. ^ How can you for an instant doubt my love an d fidelity ?
Have you not a hundred times read my inmost thoughts ? Did
you not discover a passion as pure as it was strong ? Have yon
not felt that your image would always hold the first place in this
heart which you now disdain, and that though surrounded by
pleasures, honours and riches, without yon I should enjoy no-
thing ? ' And he adds : ' While you were giving full play to
your suspicion fortune was working for me, I dare not say for
us ; ' and then he proceeds to speak in such a way of a letter
received from his father desiring his return to England as woold
rather confirm her suspicions, for he tells her that it was a
letter so tender, and enlarges so earnestly on projects for his
career in England that he foresees a thousand obstacles to his
happiness. (Mile. Curchod had made it a condition of the
engagement that he should settle in Switzerland.)
' I do not see,' replies Mademoiselle, ^ unless you can find
some palliation, how you would dare to propose to a tender and
afiectionate father, to whom you owe so much for what he hns
already done or intends to do in the future for yoa — I do not
see how you would dare to own that your plan is to leave him,
in his old age, to live with a foreigner, whose superiority o?^
so many other women whom you might marry, perhaps only
exists in your imagination, and to whom you owe no kind of
gratitude.'
M. d'Haussonville says that towards the end of Gibbon's
sojourn at Lausanne his engagement, ^ if not publicly confessed
by the young girl, was at least half agreed to by her parents,
and fully accepted by her.' He adds that while she repubed
the idea of a marriage against the will of Gibbon's father, *■ at
the same time she appeared not to admit that Gibbon's submis-
sion to the paternal will could break the union of their twn
hearts, and she placed her confidence in quelque espdce de fcA-
liafive, thinking with reason that an obstacle of this natni?
(Gibbon's father was in effect very aged) could not be etemaV
VAUD, ^ENE. AND SAVOY 883
Gibbon senior was at that time not above fifty-two, and
apparently had many years of life before him.
Gibbon returned to England in the spring of 1758, and
remained there five years. I have foand no correspondence
^nng the first four years of this period, except an nnpnblished
etter from Gibbon which accompanied his * Essai snr TEtude de
I* l^tt^ratnre.' This essay, begun at Lausanne in French, the
amiuar language of his conversation and studies, in which it
was easier for him to write than in his mother tongue, was com-
pleted at the end of August, and after numerous corrections,
given to the press April 23, 1761, and he received the first copy
June 23 at Alresford. * I had reserved,' he says, * twenty copies
for my friends at Lausanne, as the first fruits of my education,
^d a grateful token of my remembrance.*
Gibbon's epistle, hitherto unpublished, resembles in some
turns of expression and thought the dedication to his father in
the London edition of his * Essai sur TEtude de la Litterature,'
1'61. It appears that it had been his original intention to
dedicate the work to Mile. Curchod, by whom possibly the honour
^as declined. This, however, can only be a matter of conjecture
^ the absence of any correspondence. In fact, from the tenor
of another letter presently quoted, it looks as if Mile. Curchod
had not acknowledged the volume, for a year later, in writing
ux)m Greneva, she sends him some notes of reflections to which
the perusal of his work had given rise on its reception by
her.
Gibbon's letter was written in French. The original is in
the archives of the Duke de Broglie, and I am indebted to his
nephew, Count d'Haussonville, for the copy from which the sub-
joined translation is made :
* Mademoiselle,
* What is a modem Dedicatory Epistle? An enu-
meration of virtues, often taken at hazard, with which one deco-
rates a great person, and which one pretends to have given rise
to in one's own mind from sentiments as imaginary as their
cause is chimerical. What conclusions do the readers draw from
it ? That the author had need of reward or protection which he
believed his patron capable of procuring for him. What is the
fruit ? The protector inhales the incense as if he was ignorant
884 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
of the author's intentions, and despises idolatry as if he was
perfectly aoqnainted with them. What an abase of an excellent
institution ! The ancients were much wiser, and dedicated their
compositions to their friends or to masters of the art ; they even
endeayoured to find these two qualities in the same person. Id
it they employed that simple but forcible language which is
suitable to men enlightened by reason and animated by sentim^t.
Their praises (if fairness required them for such patrons) were
the tribute of their gratitude, the monument of their friendship;
and if it happened that they overstepped the limits which cool
judgment prescribed, an excuse for such excesses was always to
be found in their principles. I would like to re-establish tliis
custom, and I have chosen you, Mademoiselle, to be its object.
Do not take umbrage at this choice ; it should not surprise yon
when you remember my sentiments. It is a long time since jon
read in my heart those of esteem and admiration, and such fine
eyes as yours have gone even further on their road. But yon
are seeking to discover what those qualities are which can call
for praises. It has cost you so little to become that which yon
are that you cannot perceive how great is the phenomenon.
Nature endowed you with a beauty which would soften a iyrant
and inflame an anchorite ; she united with it that happy gift of
pleasing which she only distributes to a small number of &vour-
ites and which art vainly attempts to imitate. Your centnry
and your sex, both allied to frivolity, were not only satisfied, but
already prepared to applaud this beautiful creature. But yonr
reason made you feel that you had a friend, and that knowledge
was its nourishment. What discoveries ! and how few persons
in your position would have made them ! The happy iisM^ty of
your genius aided you in your rapid flight through science, and
the favours which you attributed to it returned with usury
everything which you owed to it. I like to see you, amid yoar
ignorant companions, conceal yourself behind a modesty which
can only be the fruit of wise reflection combined with a happy
character. For this reason you have absolute need of this
modesty ; it is the only protection against your eternal enemy.
Envy. ... I will not continue ; you would be afraid that I
was proceeding to flattery. Ah ! but I have not yet complied
with all the laws of fairness. I have followed the incUnation of
VAUD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 885
my heart, and tliis poor sketch in making yon known will call
forth admiration at the happy union of virtue, science, and
beauty. What a misfortune that you did not live in the time of
Paris ! The Shepherd would not have been embarrassed in his
choice, and would have given you the apple ; the three Goddesses
would have applauded his decision, none doubting that the
perfection which distinguished you from the others should have
the preference.'
Although no correspondence has been yet discovered between
Gibbon and Mile. Curchod during four years, from 1758 to 1762,
with exception of the epistle just quoted, it seems almost certain
that such a correspondence took place, and we can ascertain its
tenor from Mile. Curchod's letter of September 21, 1763, for
that cannot refer to a letter written subsequent to Gibbon's letter
of adieu. Gibbon himself says in that letter of August 24, 1 762,
that he wrote thrice to her immediately after leaving Lausanne,
although, he adds, ' you did not receive my letters.' How could
he know this unless she had written to that effect ? Again, in
her review of their relations to one another, in the letter which
concluded this love episode, she says : ' You left (Switzerland) ;
your letter (from England) informed me of Mr. Gibbon's refusal,
and shortly (by illness) I was brought to the brink of the grave.
My afflicted parents no longer placed a curb upon my sentiments.
What did I not write to you ? Finally you answered my letters,
and, in the words which I have underlined, '' Your soul alone has
my homa^dj how can my incUrudion be momentary ? I shall be
only too happy to treai loith respect your sensibility" I thought
I read only the great efforts of your delicate mind ; you knew
my arrangements with Montplaisir, you did not venture to pro-
pose to me to remain at liberty until you could have yours.
The idea that you were sacrificing your happiness to mine
persuaded me that there was none for me away from you ; I even
wished to calm your pretended anxiety as to my future ; I wrote
to you the details of some hopes of fortune which were opened
up to my dear parents and which might calm my scruples as to
my obstinate refusals. Even your silence only increased my
esteem ; thus did I explain everything by this idea of perfection
with which I was filled.'
It is evident that it was after this silence that Gibbon wrote
836 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
the following final letter of adien, dated from Bmiton^ August 24,
1762:
< Mademoiselle, I cannot begin ! Yet I most. I take up
my pen, I lay it down, I take it np again. Yon nnderstand from
this introdnction what I am about to say. Spare me the rest.
Yes, Mademoiselle, I must give np all thought of you for ever!
The decree has gone forth, my heart laments over it ; but with
my duty before me I must be silent.
* On my arrival in England, my inclination and my interest
counselled me alike to endeavour to gain my father's affectioii
and to dissipate all the clouds which had come between ns for
some time past. I can flatter myself that I have succeeded ; his
whole conduct, his kind attentions, the most solid benefits, ha?e
convinced me of it. I seized the moment when he assured me
that all his plans would tend to make me happy, to ask his per-
mission to ofler myself to the woman with whom all countri^
under any conditions, would make me equally happy, and witii-
out whom they would all be burdensome to me. Here is his
reply : '* Marry your foreigner, you are independent. But before
doing so, remember that you are a son and a citizen." He then
enlarged upon the cruelty of abandoning him and of Isinging
him to the grave before his time ; upon the cowardice of tramp-
ling under foot everything that I owed to my country. I
withdrew to my room and remained there two hours ; I will not
endeavour to describe my state of mind ! I came out to tell my
father that I sacrificed to him all the happiness of my life.
^ May you. Mademoiselle, be happier than I can ever hope
to be ! It will always be my prayer ; it will even be my con-
solation. Would that I could contribute towards its completion !
I tremble to learn your fate ; still, do not keep me in ignorance
of it. It will be a very cruel moment for me. Assure M. and
Mme. Curchod of my respect, my esteem and my regrets. Adieu,
Mademoiselle. I shall always remember Mile. Curchod as the
most worthy and the most charming of women ; may she not
entirely forget a man who did not merit the despair to which be
is now the prey.
* Adieu, Mademoiselle ; this letter must appear strange to
you in every respect ; it is the reflection of my soul.
* I wrote to you twice en routCy at a village in Lorraine anJ
VAUD, BERNE, AKB SAVOY 887
from Miaestricht, and onoe from London ; you did not receive my
letters ; I do not know if I onght to hope that this one may
reach you. I have the honour to be, with sentiments which are
the torment of my life, and an esteem which nothing can alter^
Hfldemoiselle,
^ Tour very humble and very obedient seryant,
' Gibbon/
Two or three things in this letter give rise to queries.
Does it really belong to the year 1762? for Gibbon desires
Mile. Gurchod to assure her father and mother of his respects^
esteem, and regrets. Now, M. Gurchod died in January or
February, 1760. It is clear, therefore, that either the year in
which this letter was written was not 1762, or if this date be
exact, it leads one to suppose that no correspondence had taken
place after the death of M. Gurchod and the writing of this
letter.
It has been suggested that perhaps Gibbon did not know
that M. Gurchod was dead, or that he had forgotten it. If he
did not know, it would indicate that no correspondence had
taken place during the above interval ; and this idea is confirmed
by the reference of Mile. Gurchod in a letter, June 4, 1763, to
the &ct that upon the appearance of Gibbon's Essay, she placed
on paper the ideas to which it had given rise, and now (1763)
rentores to send them to him.
It seems to me incredible that, being, as one of the letters
which I publish proves, deeply sensible of Suzanne Gurchod's
affection and devotion to her father, in writing to her he should
foi*get that he was no longer alive. We must remember, too,
that he speaks of M. and Mme. Gurchod in his Memoirs in the
highest terms.
M. d'Haussonville has been unable to find a copy of
Suzanne Gurchod's reply. He says that she does not appear to
have at once felt the resentment which one might suppose she
would. She remembered no doubt that she had herself declared
to Gibbon that she would not enter into a marriage against his
father^B wish. She seemed still to believe in his love, and was
eventually confirmed in the idea by Gibbon's arrival at Lausanne
a few months later; for a day or two after his coming. May 30,
1763, she wrote to him from Geneva :
VOL. IL z
888 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
* Monsieur, I blnah at the step I am taking ; I woald like
to hide it from 70a, I wonid like to hide it from myself. Good
heavens, is it possible for an innocent heart so far to degrade
itself? What a humiliation! I have had far more terrible
sorrows, but none which I' have felt more keenly. I cannot
help it, I am carried away in spite of myself. It is essenlaal to
my own peace of mind that I should make this efhrt ; if I
lose this opportunity, there is no longer any chance of happiness
for me : but have I ever been able to enjoy it from the instant
that my heart, ingenious in tormenting itsdf, thought it saw in
the marks of your coldness only the proof of your delicacy of
feeling ? For the last five years I have been indulging in tliis
idle fancy through my inconceivable folly ; finally, my mind,
romantic as it may be, has just been convinced of its error; I
ask you on my knees to dissuade^ a foolish heart ; sign the
complete avowal of your indifference, and my heart will
accustom itself to its new state ; certainty will bring with it
the repose for which I sigh. You would be the most con-
temptible of men if you refuse me this act of frankness, and God
who sees my heart and who doubtless loves me, althoogh He 90
sorely tries me . . . God, I repeat, will punish you, in spite of
my prayers, if there be the least prevarication in your reply, or
if by your silence you play with my tranquillity.
* If you ever reveal my unworthy proceeding to whomsoev®
it may be in the world, even to my dearest friend, the horror of
my punishment would show me the extent of my &nlt, I ^^
look upon it as a frightful crime of which I had not estimated
the atrocity. I already feel that it is a base action whicii
outrages my modesty, my past conduct, and my real senti-
ments.'
This pathetic letter is addressed to * M. Gibbon, gentilLomntf
anglais, chez M. de Mezery, & Lausanne.' The writer afte^
wards recovered it from Gibbon, and on it is written byber
own hand, in English : ' A thinking sotd is punishmeni encv*^-
and every ihmght draws blood,*
It is a great misfortune that Gibbon's answer to this lett^
cannot be discovered. Mile. Curchod's reply to it (June 5j i^
given in Count d'Haussonville's work, but it is difficult ^'
determine from her letter the exact lan^age of Gibbon's answer-
YAXJD, BERNE, AND SAVOY 889
But he replied promptly, for her response is only five days later
than the letter jnst quoted.
'It is not,' she says, ' to yon that I sacrificed my happiness,
but to an imagroary being who never existed except in a wild,
ronuuitic head snch as mine ; for, from the moment I was un«
deceived by yoor letter, you became for me one of the class to
which all other men belong, and firom being the only one whom
I have ever been able to love, you became one of those for whom
I should have the least liking, because you bear the least
resemblance to my chimerical lover.'
It would thus seem that Gibbon had frankly admitted that
his passion was ended, and had asked for a continued friend*
ship, for she offers it : ' My conduct and my feelings have
deserved your esteem and your friendship, and I count upon
both ; in future let there be no more mention of our ancient
history. . . « At the time that your work [' L'Essai sur I'Etude
de la Litt^rature *] appeared, I wrote down the ideas to which
it had given rise. I venture to send them to you as the first
mark of my fiiendship. It will not be my fault if I do not give
you others.' She hopes to meet him, and in conclusion says :
' I am informed by letter that several English persons are leav-
ing Paris for Metiers ; if this be the object which brings you to
my country, and if you wish for a letter of introduction to
liousseau, pray let me know, as many of my best firiends are in
constant and intimate communication with him ; in a word, yon
will oblige me greatly if you will in some way test the sincere es-
teem which I have for you, and my admiration for your talents.*
She also manages, with artistic casualness, to mention that
since her late bereavements ^ Switzerland had become odious to
her, and that she had thoughtR of seeking occupation in England.
This incidental withdrawal of the conditions she had imposed on
betrothal, that he should reside in Switzerland, is one of various
indications in this letter that Gibbon's reply had left her less
tranquil than before. It now appears that the suggestion to
Gibbon of a visit to Kousseau was her last hope. Her confidant,
the Pastor Moultou,' had revealed her sad case to his friend
* Her father, the Pastor Carchod, died in 1760, and her mother in 1768.
' Paul MooltOQ (1725-1785), bom at MontpelUer, was the son of a Protestant
tetuzee. He was the friend of Voltaire as well as of Bousseau, who confided to
z2
340 HISTORIC STUDIES IN
Boussean, and had written to her that it 'interested him
[Bonssean] greatly, for he already loved yon, and besides be
mnch likes anything rather romantic : he promised me that if
Gibbon came he wonld not fail to speak to him about yon, and
in a very flattering manner.' The Pastor also wrote to Bousseaa
on the snbjecty asking him not to forget MUe. Garchod, and
ezdaimingy * I swear to you, my worthy fiiend, that I know
nothing more pure, more heavenly, than the mind of that girl/
Whereon Bousseau frees his mind, June 4 :
^ You give me for Mile. Curchod a commission of which I
shall acquit 
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